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THE

PEACE OF UTRECHT

HISTORICAL REVIEW OF THE GREAT TREATY OF I713-I4,

AND OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS OF THE WAR

OF THE SPANISH SUCCESSION

By JAMES W. GERARD

NEW YORK & LONDON

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
me anicfterfiodftei; 3Pre»s

1S85 ''

A M 6-| 5-4,

Press of

G. P. Putnam'' s Sons

New York

PREFACE.

No period of modern history, with the exception of that
which comprehends the sway of Buonaparte, is more marked
by momentous international events and changes than that
which closed with the reigns of Queen Anne and Louis
XIV.

The Peace of Utrecht was the political culmination of
that period.

All the leading occurrences in Western Europe, for the
prior fifty years, had a bearing and influence upon the
terms of that great pacification.

The personages who moved upon the historic stage of
the time, were such as to give it marked dramatic effect and
interest.

Louis XIV. and his great generals, Villars, Boufflers,
Vendome, Catinat and Vauban — Charles II., the last of
the Hapsburg Monarchs of Spain — the two contestants for
the Spanish crown, Philip of Anjou and the Archduke
Charles — the great statesmen prominent in the Treaty,
Heinsius, Bolingbroke, Oxford and De Torcy — the three
Emperors — the warlike German Electors — the politic and
ambitious Duke of Savoy — the heroic William III. — the
placid Queen Anne — the exiled tyrant, James — the un-
fortunate Pretender — the great leaders of the Allies, Marl-
borough and Eugene — and lastly, the political intrigantes,
the Duchess of Marlborough, Madame de Maintenon and
the Princess des Ursins — all of whom had, directly or
remotely, a part in the contention over the Spanish Suc-
cession, or in the establishment of the Peace concluding it.

The aim of the following historical study of the " Peace
of Utrecht " and the principal events that led to it, has
been, to group together, in proper sequence, those events
and the negotiations and compacts that followed, in such

iv PREFACE.

form of narrative as may possibly prove interesting to the
general reader, as well as to the student of political history.

Much of the subject-matter of the volume has, of course,
been previously considered in general histories, but in
a cursory manner. Treatises and memoirs, (many of them
now out of print), have, also, from time to time, appeared,
relative to special matters connected with the subjects
investigated. There also has been elaborate review, in
several works, of the great military events of the war of
the " Succession."

So far as had been ascertained, however, there has been,
heretofore, no treatment of the subject, embracing the
events leading to the war, a chronological sketch of the
military operations, the political intrigues and negotiations
preceding and continuing during the war, the principal
features of the Pacification, and the resulting political
changes, combined in one review.

Some encouragement for the preparation of what follows
has been gathered from the fact that there is manifested, at
this time, a greater interest in matters of historical research,
and, especially, in the particular treatment of eventful
epochs.

There is, in fact, no class of literature, that, to persons
of culture and reflection, can exhibit more interesting
features than that which chronicles the actual results of
the various motives that have impelled humanity to shape
the events that form the great eras and epochs of history.

" History," says that elegant and philosophic writer,
Mackintosh, "is now a vast museum, in which specimens
of every variety of human nature may be studied."

Even those readers who find their greatest entertainment
in fictitious composition may take some interest in the
perusal of a sketch of the period closing the 17th and
beginning the i8th century, the events of which form a
continuous political drama ; and which presents occurrences
as startling and personages as remarkable as any that can
be found in that class of literature which is due exclusively
to efforts of the imagination.

The period of the four Georges, in England, has, in

PREFACE.

various treatment, enlisted the attention of readers, who
seek entertainment as well as information from historical
narrative ; but the period preceding it presents features of
equal attraction and of broader aspect ; and, as the events
and personages connected with the earlier period become
more dim by time, the veil, almost of romance, seems to
gather around them, and awakens a more curious interest.

The word " Treaty " is used on the title-page, because the
various compacts entered into, at Utrecht and Baden, be-
tween the allied States, respectively, and France, were of a
comprehensive character, in carrying out the general pacifi-
cation, and in the adjustment of international interests be-
tween the States which had been engaged in a war that
arose out of one momentous occurrence affecting them all.
There was, practically, but one treaty, although this was
subdivided into the various compacts formulated, — each
having a bearing on the others.

It has not been found practicable to follow in either the
Map, or the text, the forms of any one system of geograph-
ical nomenclature.

The native or local names might not always be readily
recognized by the general reader, and the more important
of these have therefore been anglicized, while it has been
thought best to give the others in the form used by the va-
rious authorities from which the material was derived.

September, 1885.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

The Doctrine of the "Balance of Power "^ The Preponderance of Power
of Charles V. — Apprehension of the Power of Philip II, — The Adjust-
ment of National Power in the General Interest — Elizabeth — Henry
IV.— The Treaty of Westphalia i

CHAPTER II. , '

Preliminary View of the great States of Europe that became involved in
the War of the Spanish Succession — Charles V. — Philip II. — Germany
and the Circles of the Empire— Spain — Holland — The Spanish Neth-
erlands — England — France — Peace of the Pyrenees — Commencement
of the reign of Louis XIV. — Colbert 3

CHAPTER III.

Acts of Louis XIV. on assuming the Reins of Government — War against
Spain of 1667 — The Triple Alliance — Peace of Aix-La-Chapelle — War
against Holland, 1672-1679 — Declaration of War by England against
Holland — Desperate Condition of Holland — William of Orange made
Stadt-holder and Generalissimo — Progress of the War — Peace made
between Holland and England — Treaty of Westminister — Germany
and Spain unite vcith Holland — Peace of Nymeguen, 1678-1679 . . 14

CHAPTER IV.

Europe after the Peace of Nymeguen — Occupation of Strasburg by the
French — Alliance of Germany, Spain, Holland, and Sweden — Entrance
into the Netherlands by the French — The Truce of Ratisbon — Compact
of Augsburg, 1686 — Bombardment of Genoa — Action of the French at
Rome — War in 1688 — The Revolution in England — William of
Orange becomes King — Louis' welcome of James II. — The Grand Alli-
ance — Operations of the War — Capture of Mons and Namur — Louis at
Gembloux — Defeat of William at Steinkirk and Neerwinden — Retak-
ing of Namur by William — Proposals of Peace — The Peace of Ryswick,
1697 — Policy of Louis — General Results of the War . . . .23

Vlll CONTENTS.

CHAPTER V.

Persecutibn of Protestants in France — Review of Sectarianism — Early-
Christian Sects and their Differences — The Reformation — Intolerance
in England — Henry IV. — Mary — Elizabeth — St. Barthcflomew's Eve —
James I. and Charles I. — Intoleration in New England — The Thirty
Years' Religious War — The Inquisition — The Edict of Nantes — The
Protestants after the Death of Henry IV. under Louis XIII. — Sup-
pression of their Political Power by Richelieu — Protestants driven into
Exile — Their Condition under Mazarin — Action of Louis XIV. — Edicts
from 1651-1659 and 1674 — New Oppression — Conversions — Barbar-
ous Cruelties — Letters of Madame de Maintenon on the King's Holy
Zeal — Glorification of Louis as a Reformer — Formal Revocation of the
Edict in 1685 — Exultation at Court — Fulsome Panegyric by Bossuet —
Renewed Cruelties — Protestants Escape from France — Persecutions of
the Dead — National and International Effect of the Revocation . . 37

CHAPTER VI.

The Spanish Succession — Charles II. of Spain — His Feeble Health —
Ancient Laws of the Succession — Claims of the House of Bourbon —
Marriages of Louis XIII. and of Louis XIV. — Renunciations of the
two French Queens — Claims of the House of Austria — Claims of
Bavaria — Interests of England and Holland in the Succession —
Claims of Savoy and the Duke of Orleans 52

CHAPTER VII.

Treaties for the Dismemberment of Spain, on the Anticipated Decease of
Charles I. of Spain — Secret Treaty of 1668 between the Emperor and
France— Prior Intrigues of Louis in Spain— First Treaty of Partition
between France, England, and Holland, 1698— Second Treaty of Par-
tition between the same Powers, 1700 — Policy of the above Treaties

Feeling in England as to these Treaties— Protests of Spain— Action of
the Emperor— Intrigues of the Emperor to Negotiate with France for
the Dismemberment of the Spanish Dominions — Doubts as to the Sin-
cerity of Louis in making the Treaties of Partition . . . .63

CHAPTER VIII.

Beginning of Intrigues at the Spanish Court— Condition of Charles— Policy
of the Queen Mother— The two Wives of Charles II.— Suspicion of
Poison— The Policy of the Queen Consort— Sides taken by the Spanish
Court Officials— Cardinal Portocarrero- The Grand Inquisitor and the
Confessors— The King's Physicians— Incertitude of Charles— Death of
the Queen Mother— French Diplomacy— The Marquis d'Harcourt—

CONTENTS. IX

His Instructions from tiie French Court — His Intrigues and Munifi-
cence — Gradual Change of Feeling towards France — The Count Har-
rach, the Emperor's Ambassador — The Countess Berlips — Harrach's
Instructions — Feeling in Spain^Harrach's Efforts — D'Harcourt's State
Entry into Madrid 70

CHAPTER IX.

Intrigues at the Spanish Court Continued — D'Harcourt's Efforts to Concil-
iate the Spaniards — He Gains the Countess Berlips — Brilliant Offers to
the Queen — Her Changing Views — Change of the King's Confessor —
Charles Visits the Tombs of his Ancestors for Relief and Meditation —
France Preparing for War — She Assumes a Threatening Attitude —
Feeble Condition of Spain — Despatch of Louis as to his Policy — Ex-
tracts from the Despatches of the Emperor's Ambassador — He is con-
tinually Foiled by French Intrigues — Suspicious Demeanor, towards
him, of the Countess Berlips and the Queen — Complaints of the Count
Harrach — Increasing Decrepitude of Charles — Departure of the Count
Harrach — Will made by Charles in Favor of the Electoral Prince —
Death of the Electoral Prince — Suspicion of Poison — Action of the
Elector 78

CHAPTER X.

Intrigues Continued — Machinations of Cardinal Portocarrero — Incantations
and Exorcisms to work upon the King — Despair of Charles — His Per-
sonal and Political Feelings Opposed — D'Harcourt's Departure — De-
parture of the Countess Berlips— The Pope Consulted — Will in Favor
of the Archduke Destroyed — The new Will made by Charles in Favor
of the Duke of Anjou — The Grief of Charles— His Desire to Change
his Will — Deliberations of the Grandees — Decease of Charles — An-
nouncement of the Will at the Spanish Court — Pleasantry of one of
the Grandees — Mortification of the Ambassador of the Emperor — A
Wonder in the Heavens — Its supposed Portent ... . -92

CHAPTER XI.

Effect of the Will of Charles II.— The Action of France— Views of Louis
— Feeling in Spain — Notification by the Jujitatq, Louis — Deliberations
in the French Council — Determination to Accept the Will — The Duke
d' Anjou Summoned — Speech of Louis to him and to the Court— First
Action of the Courts of Holland, England, and Austria — Louis' Letter
to the States General-r-Action of the Spanish Provijipes^Preparations ,
for War in France — Recognition of Philip by England — Letter of Will-
iam to Heinsius— Opposition of the Emperor-^JMenace to England—
Jlecognition by Louis of the Son of James II. as K^ng of England-
Defiance to Holland— Circular-Letter, of Louis to Europe— Object of
Louis in Recognizing the Pretender • 10°

X CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XII.

Attitude of the other Powers of Europe against France— The Electors of
Cologne and Bavaria — Action of Holland — Louis Takes Possession of
the Frontier Towns of the Netherlands, and Removes the Dutch Troops
—Hesitation of Holland to Declare War— Attitude of Savoy— The
Elector of Brandenburg— The Circles of the Empire— Extract from a
Pamphlet of the Time— The Pope, Venice, Genoa, and the Italian
Princes 108.

CHAPTER XIII.

Attitude of England as to the Succession— William's War Sentiments — Op-
position by the Tory Party to the War — England's Forces Increased —
The Act of the " Protestant Succession " Passed — Effect of the Recog-
nition of the Pretender by Louis — Change of Views in England —
William Prepares for War — Death of William — Review of William's
career — His Hostility to France — His Character and Disposition — His
Qualities as a Soldier — His last Words 114.

CHAPTER XIV.

The Duke of Anjou Departs for Spain — Farewell to his Relatives — Address
to him by Louis — The Appearance and Character of Philip — Private
Instructions to him from Louis — Enthusiasm of the Spainards — Philip
Declines the Compliment of an Auto-da-f4 — Calamity on the Entry of
Philip into Madrid — Prognostics of Evil — Banishment of the late
Queen — State of Spain . . 125

CHAPTER XV.

Compacts of the Allies and Declarations of War — Manifesto of the Emperor
and Compact with England and Holland of 1 701 — Compact with
Prussia — Influence of Marlborough, and Declaration of War by Eng-
land^Formal Declaration of War by the Emperor and Circles of the
Empire — Compact with other German States — Declaration of War by
France — The Electors of Bavaria and Cplogpe — The War, 1701-1703 —
Prince Eugene's Success in Italy — Marlborough's prompt Action —
Capture, by him, of Fortresses on the Maas — ^Vend6me's Successes in
Italy— War on the Rhine— Insurrection in the Cevennes— Holstein,
Portugal, and Sweden Enter the Alliance— Cession of Spain to the
Archduke, and his Manifesto— Savoy Joins the Alliance— War on the
Rhine

I3«

CHAPTER XVI.

War 1704 and 1705— The Archduke Goes to Spain with an Army- His
Manifesto to the Spaniards— Taking of Gibraltar by the English— War
on the Danube— Battle of Blenheim— The French and Bavarians.

CONTENTS. XI

Driven over the Rhine — Consternation at the p-rench Court — Losses of
the French — Vend6me Successful in Italy — Siege of Gibraltar — ^War in
Spain — The Electors of Bavaria and Cologne put under the Ban of the
Empire — War 1706 to 1708^— The Battl^ of Ramillies — All Flanders
Open to the Allies — Louis' Speech to ViUeroi — War in Italy and Spain
— Raising of the Siege of Turin — Triumph of the Archduke in Spain —
He Enters Madrid — Philip Contemplates Leaving the Country — Battle
of Almanza and Complete Defeat of the Allies, by Marshal Berwick —
Philip Re-enters Madrid — War in Germany and Italy — The French
Take Ghent and Bruges — Great Battle of Oudennarde — The French
Retreat — Taking of Lisle — War in Italy and Spain — The Pope Takes
Sides and is Defeated. . . ... . . . . 142

CHAPTER XVII.

The Severe Winter of 1708-9 in France — Terrible Suffering and Famine —
Graphic Account of .'the State of France by the Due de St. Simon —
Indignation of the People — Insults to the King and Nobility — The
Patron Saint, St. Genevieve, Appealed to — Sacrifice of Plate and Jevyels
by the Court — Fran ce Worn out by the War — Deliberations in Council —
Despondency of Ministers — Louis Offers to Withdraw his Grandson
from Spain — Villars' Statement as to the Dejected Condition of the
King 155

CHAPTER XVIII.

First Overtures for Peace — Louis' Efforts in. 1705 — Action by the Elector
of Bavaria, 1706 — Negotiations at Moerdyk and Bodegrave in 1709 —
Negotiations at the Hague by the Marquis de Torcy — Opposition to
Peace by the Dutch — Preliminary Articles Drawn— Louis Rejects the
Preliminaries and Resolves to Continue the War — Louis' Instructions to
De Torcy as to Bribing Marlborough^Marshal Villars' Encouraging
Letter to De Torcy — Louis' Letter to Villars, and Spirited Manifesto to
his Subjects — Philip's Letter to Louis as to his Proposed Removal . 161

CHAPTER XIX.

The War in 1709 — ^Active Preparations by France and the Allies — Opera-
tions on the Rhine— The Terrible Battle of TSfo^/ayw^/— Detailed
Description of the Battle. . . . 172

CHAPTER XX.

The French Driven back from Flanders— Defeat of the Allies in Spain—
Renev?ed Efforts by Louis for Peace— The Negotiations at Gertruyden-
berg — Humiliating Requisitions of the Allies — Louis alone to Remove
his Grandson— Spirited Response of the French Agents— Louis Rejects
the Conditions— Address by the English Ministry to the States General

XU COK TENTS.-

—Marlborough and Eugene Oppose any Peace, and Propose to March
into Franpe — Madaine de Ma,intenon's Meddling in the War — The Con-
dition of Spain — Letter pfthe Queen to Louis— Resolve of Philip and
the Spaniards to Fight to the Last;- War in 1710-1711— Philip again
Driven frori Madrid — His Refusal to Abandon his Crown — Vendome
sent to Spain— Victories of Brighuega and Villaviciosa— Philip Re-
enters Madrid — War in Flanders — Taking of Bouchain — Taking of
Rio de Janeiro 187

CHAPTER XXI.

Change of Administration in England — Long Continuance of the Whigs in
Power — Influence of the Marlboroughs — Growing Dislike of the Queen
to them — Mrs. Hill Supplants the Duchess — Dr. Sacheverell's Sermons
and Tory Utterances — His Trial — Sympathy of the Mob — The Queen
Favors the Tory or Peace Party — Opinions throughout the Country as
to Peace — Triumph of Sacheverell — Removal of Whig Ministers —
Dissolution of Parliament — Results of the New Elections — The Tories
in Power ............ Igg

CHAPTER XXII.

Negotiations for Peace between England and France — Indirect Approaches
by England — The Abbe Gaultier — His Interview with De Torcy —
Secret Negotiations — Prior Sent to France — Death of the Emperor
Joseph I. — Effect of his Decease on Peace Negotiations — Negotiations
Continued — Attitude of Austria — The Emperor's Manifesto — The
Dutch still Opposed to Peace — Action of the British Parliament —
Final Agreement by the Cabinets of England and Holland, to Make
Arrangements for a Permanent Peace — The 12th of January, 1712,
Fixed on for the Peace Session — Speech of Queen Anne — New Peers
Created— Personal Views of St. John— Extract from a Tory Pamphlet
— War of the Pamphleteers 207

CHAPTER XXIII.

Opposition of Marlborough, Prince Eugene, and Heinsius to Peace-
Charges in England against Marlborough — He is Dismissed from all
his Employments- The Duke of Ormond Replaces him as Commander-
in-Chief — Plans of Marlborough and Eugene to Prevent Peace — ^Action
of the Envoys of Germany, Holland, and Hanover, in England De-
parture of Prince Eugene from England 221

CHAPTER XXIV.

The Congress at Utrecht— The City of Utrecht— Regulations for the Ses-
sions— Fprms to be Obseryed-T-The Mode of Procedure— The States
J^epresented— The Ambassadors and other Personages— Opening of

CONTENTS. Xlll

Conferences — Etiquette Observed^Opening Address bjMhe Bishop of
Bristol — Reply of the French Ambassadors — The Demands of the
Various States— Effect, in England, of the French Demands — Opposi-
tion in Parliament — Protest of the Pretender . . . . '. 226

CHAPTER XXV.

The Sudden Decease of the Duke and the Duchess of Burgundy and the
Dulie of Brittany — Consternation and Grief throughout France — Grave
Suspicions of Poison against the Duke of Orleans — Character of the
Duke and the Duchess of Burgundy — Eloquent Eulogy by St. Simon
— Depression and Grief of Louis XIV. — Interview of Villars with the
King — Effect of the above Events on the Congress — Renunciation
Required of Philip to the French Crown — Louis Delays Action —
Action of Philip — He Agrees to the Renunciation — Summary of the
Renunciations by Philip and the French Princes — Subsequent En-
dorsement thereof by the French Parliaments ..... 238

CHAPTER XXVI.

War during the Progress of Negotiations — Action of the Duke of Ormond
Commanding the English and other Contingents — St. John's Instruc-
tions to him — Ormond's Secret Advices to Villars — Ormond's Con-
temptible Position — His Inaction — Protest of the "Lords" — Speech
of Lord Halifax — Ormond Withdraws his Troops, and an Armistice
Proclaimed by Queen Anne^Indignation of the Allies — Mortification
of the English Troops — Continued Negotiations in the Summer of
1712 — The War Maintained by the Emperor — Quesnoy Taken by
Prince Eugene — The English Troops Occupy Dunkirk — New Demands
by England — Heinsius still Opposed to Peace — Louis Hastens the
Negotiations — He Urges Villars to Fight a Battle — The Decisive
Battle of Denain, July, 1712 — Marchiennes, Douay, Quesnoy, and
Bouchain Taken by Villars — The Quarrel between the Lackeys of the
French and Dutch Ambassadors at Utrecht — Its Effect on Negotiations, 249

CHAPTER XXVII.

The Feeling in England during the Negotiations — Resolutions in the Two
Houses of Parliament — Addresses Sent to the Queen — Public Opinion
— Extracts from Dr. Arbuthnot's Celebrated Satire, in Behalf of the
Tories 261

CHAPTER XXVIII.

Continued Negotiations during the Summer and Autumn of 171 2— The
French Plenipotentiaries Become Exacting— Arrogant Speech by them

xiv CONTENTS.

to the Dutch Envoys— St. John's Private Negotiations with De Torcy —
He is Created Viscount Bolingbroke— His Secret Mission to France—
Bolingbroke's Despatches to Prior— Pretensions of France— Intrigues
of the Dutch — New Delays by France — Further Despatches to Prior —
Ultimata of England— Perplexity of the Plenipotentiaries— The Trea-
ties finally Signed 275

CHAPTER XXIX.

Digest of the Text of the Various Treaties — Treaty with England, Holland,
Portugal, Prussia, Savoy, and other States at Utrecht — Subsequent
Treaties between England and Spain; Germany and France — The
Barrier Treaty — Holland and the Emperor — Spain and Portugal —
Memorial of the Protestants 284

CHAPTER XXX.

Reception of the Treaty of Utrecht — Views in Germany — Sentiment in
England and Holland — Opinion of Louis XIV. and the Marquis De
Torcy — ^Views of Historians and Others — Views in Favor of the Peace
— Bolingbroke's Reflections upon it — Macaulay's Views — The Clause
in the Treaty with Great Btitain Recognizing the Protestant Succes-
sion ' 302

CHAPTER XXXI.

After the Peace — Queen Anne — Her Address to Parliament — Action of
that Body — Quarrel between Oxford and Bolingbroke — Death of the
Queen — Disgrace of Oxford and Bolingbroke — Ormond, Strafford, and
Prior Indicted for High Treason — Atterbury's Punishment — Marl-
borough's Return — The Rancor pf the Powers Continued — Attempts to
Violate the Treaty — Philip's Efforts to Regain his Dominions — Alber-
•oni's Schemes — The Triple Alliance — The Quadruple Alliance — War
renewed — Repression of Philip ........ 325

CHAPTER XXXII.

The Declining Health of Louis XIV. — Efforts to Divert him — Attacks on
Jansenism by Louis and the Jesuits — Death of the Duke de Berry
— Last Malady of the King — His Affecting Interview with his Great-
grandson — His Speech to his Ministers — His Last Words — His Char-
acter — The Views of St. Simon and Voltaire on his Character and
Reign — Effects of his Reign on France 345

CONTENTS. XV

CHAPTER XXXIII.

The Doctrine of the Balance of Power as specially Recognized in the Treaty
of Utrecht — The Provisions therein as to the Doctrine of Free Ships
making Free Goods — The Provision for the Demolition of the Harbor
of Dunkirk Made a Precedent during the Civil War in the United
States — The Recent War of the Spanish " Succession." . . . 354

CHAPTER XXXIV.

The Arbitrament of Arms 378

Appendix 391

THE

History of a Great Treaty.

CHAPTER I.

The Doctrine of the " Balance of Power." — The Preponderance of Power
of Charles V. — Apprehension of the Power of Philip II. — The Ad-
justment of National Power in the General Interest. — Elizabeth.
— Henry IV. — The Treaty of Westphalia.

THE BALANCE OF POWER.

The political doctrine of the maintenance of a " Balance
of Power," among nations, although often attacked as un-
wise, is one founded on a natural principle.

It has, at times, been made the pretext for aggression
by a nation, when jealous of another's power, or when
ambitious of aggrandizement.

The fundamental principle, however, that bases the doc-
trine, is that of self-protection — a right as natural and just
for natibns as for individuals. To this right is appended
the moral obligation of interference for the protection ©f
the weak against the strong.

In the great wars in which the nations of Western Europe
were engaged, during and since the days of Charles V.,
the question of the balance of power either was originally
involved or became an essential consideration in the conse-
quent terms of pacification.

Before that time, the isolation of nations, the extent of
land as compared with their population, and, in fact, their
mutual ignorance of each other, restricted the views as
well as the ambition of the great states ; and the difificul-
ties of communication and the inefficient nature of the arms
of warfare limited their powers of aggression. '

2 THE HISTORY OF A GREA T TREATY.

Since the period of Charlemagne, the nations had been in
a formative state. The various-dynasties had not become
permanently strengthened in their possessions — thrones had
been insecure ; — territorial limits had been undefined — and
the various struggles between kings, nobles and people, in
efforts to enlarge or diminish their respective powei;s, had
much engaged each country in its own affairs and kept it
comparatively free from international contests. The quar-
rels of dynasties, the antagonism of rulers, the repugnance
of races, the struggles between the Papal and Imperial
power, the claims to some portion of another's territory,
contests with Turk and Moor, the rancor between rival
Popes, the attempts at aggrandizement of great families,
the struggles for independence by the smaller communities,
and the assertion of their privileges by burghers against
feudalism, had, at times, caused prolonged contests : but,
in general, their duration was brief, their aims were not
extensive, and their results circumscribed. Each great ruler
had, for the most part, sufficient to occupy him in contests
with his own feudatories ; in centralizing, uniting and hold-
ing his own realms, and in there strengthening his power.

It was not until nations became strong, compact and
integrated within themselves, that the rulers of modern
Europe could afford to be widely ambitious.

The extension of national domain by the absorption of
foreign territory, and the efforts to prevent this, did not
enlist the attention of rulers, as a matter of international
regard, until the overbalancing power of Charles V. aroused
the apprehension of Europe ; and the doctrine of the bal-
ance of power came to be recognized as one, in which all
the States, even the smallest, had an interest. History
showed that the great power wielded by that Emperor, and
by his son Philip had been fraught with danger. It had
disturbed the peace of Europe and embroiled the relations
and imperilled the existence of minor States.

While the extensive rule of Charles V. had excited the
particular apprehension of France against Germany, the
attack on England, by Philip IL, and the oppression of the
Netherlands by that monarch and his successors, had made

THE BALAJVCE OF POWER. 3

the necessity of a restriction of power particularly apparent
to both England and Holland ; and the smaller States of
Europe, and the Pope himself, saw that it was necessary
for their peace and safety and for the public tranquillity,
that neither the dominion of the Empire nor of France
should unduly preponderate. It was necessary that those
great sovereignties should mutually balance and check each
other ; and that some principles of national right and
national morality, to protect the weak and restrain the
strong, should be asserted and maintained, by mutual com-
bination, and even, if necessary, by force of arms.

The question of the political balance of States entered
thereafter, largely into all matters of European polity; and,
in the making of treaties and settlement of dynasties, the
question of territorial dominion often involved far reaching
international considerations.

The ideas of the adjustment of national power in the
general interest, and for the preservation of national inde-
pendence, took prominent shape in European politics in
the period of Queen Elizabeth's reign in England, and of
that of Henry IV. in France. Each of those sovereigns,
motived by apprehension of the aggrandizement of the
House of Austria, had enunciated views and initiated de-
signs which had for their object the regulation of govern-
mental interests with regard to the general welfare.

A plan introduced by Henry, at the instigation of his
wise minister, Sully, was of an extensive international char-
acter ; whereby there should be an alliance of all the States
of Europe, both large and small, with a view to the settle^
ment of all questions between nations by arbitration,
through a joint accord. Thereby, it was designed to pre-
vent the aggressions of ambition and to maintain a public
tranquillity.

But neither the state of European political thought, then,
nor the advanced moral conscientiousness among rulers,
would permit the success of such golden measures ; — nor
indeed, would success attend them now — and the sword is
still, as ever, the arbiter of political right.

The Treaty of Westphalia (October, 1648), which marks

4 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

an important era in European history, and terminated the
great religious war which had deluged Europe with blood
for 30 years (1618-1648), contemplated, in its features,
such adjustment of territory and dominion as would give
no State an undue preponderance.

That treaty had, by its terms, sensibly increased the do-
minion of France by decreasing that of the Empire. It
also had diminished the power of the Emperor within his
own dominions, and denationalized the Empire by giving
to each State comprised in it a right of sovereignty, through
representation in the Diet, with liberty of concluding trea-
ties and alliances and levying contributions ; thereby estab-
lishing the partial autonomy of the Germanic States.

By this treaty, France gained Alsace, and was confirmed
in the possession of the Bishoprics of Toul, Metz and Ver-
dun, and the prefecture of the ten imperial cities, which
Louis XIV. afterwards, (1673), reduced to absolute subjec-
tion.

By this Treaty, also, a religious toleration was provided
for in the German States ; and each State was to have the
right to prescribe the form of worship within its limits ;
and all subjects were to have the right to emigrate from
the State where their creed was prohibited.

The upper Palatinate was to be retained by the Duke of
Bavaria, who was in possession ; and the lower Palatinate
was secured to Charles Louis, son of the deposed Elector
Frederick V., with an 8th Electoral vote. An important
part of this Treaty also, was the recognition of the Dutch
and Swiss Republics, by all Europe, as independent States.

The Pope, alone, denounced this great Treaty which paci-
fied Europe, as " null, invalid and iniquitous." He natu-
rally made his protest against an extensive international
compact, which, by recognizing religious toleration in
States, as one of the ends of the pacification, was a great
step forward in European moral and civil progress, and for-
ever destroyed all Papal power and most of its influence, as
a factor in the determination of international affairs.

CHAPTER II.

Preliminary View of the great States of Europe that became involved in
the War of the Spanish Succession. — Charles V. — Philip II. — Ger-
many and the Circles of the Empire. — Spain. — Holland. — The
Spanish Netherlands. — England. — France. — Peace of the Pyrenees.
— Commencement of the Reign of Louis XIV. — Colbert.

In order to a satisfactory understanding of the circum-
stances that led to the great war of the Spanish Succes-
sion, a glance is proper at the condition of the principal
States of Europe that became engaged in that war, and
also a brief review of the contests that immediately pre-
ceded it.

The restless ambition of Louis XIV., his love of power,
and, as it is termed, of " Glory," kept Europe in a con-
tinued agitation for the entire period of his reign : and
such was the strength and resources of his kingdom, the
intelligence of his ministers, the valor of his troops, the
ability of his generals, as well as his own genius for ruling
and direction, that, if it had not been for the alliances
formed between England and the great continental powers
to prevent the preponderance of France, there would have
been such an extension of French dominion as to have
entirely changed the political face of Europe, and probably,
to have altered the religion, morals and habits of many of
the other European States.

GERMANY.

The House of Burgundy was, at one time, one of the
most powerful States in Europe; and, besides its -French
possessions, for which it was feudatory to France, absorbed
in succession Flanders, Antwerp, Malines, the Duchies of
Brabant and Limbourg, Namur, Hainault, and Luxem-
bourg; and, subsequently, the Compt^s of Holland, Flan-
ders, Artois and Zealand ; also the States of Zutphen and

6 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Friesland ; and Charles the Bold became the richest
Prince of his time.

Mary of Burgundy, daughter of Charles the Bold, as
heiress of the Netherlands, brought all these rich provinces
to the House of Austria, by marriage, (in 1477) with the
Archduke Maximilian, son of the Emperor Frederick. The
son of these, Philip, (in 1496), married Jeanne or Joanna la
FoUe, daughter of Ferdinand of Aragon, and Isabella of
Castile, whose marriage had united the two great divisions
of Spain. Philip, subsequently, became king of Spain,
as Philip I.

The son of Philip was the celebrated Charles V., who
became king of Spain, and added to his estates in the
Netherlands, the Bishopric of Utrecht, also, Gronigen,
Gueldres, and Over-Yssel. Subsequently, elected Emperor
of Germany, in 15 19, Charles continued to rule over Spain
and its colonies and dependencies, a^ king, and over the
Austrian possessions of his house, as Archduke ; and con-
sequently possessed greater dominion and power than any
sovereign that had reigned in Europe since the days of
Charlemagne.

He constituted his provinces in the Netherlands into
the Germanic "circle" called that of Burgundy; and
ceded his hereditary Austrian dominions to his brother
Ferdinand, who afterwards succeeded him as Emperor.
Majorca, Sardinia, Naples and Sicily, had also come to
Charles, by succession, through the House of Aragon.

The German Empire with the vast dominions under the
control of the great head of the House of Austria, was a
most formidable power in Europe ; and, as has been before
remarked, awakened the minds of other sovereigns to the
necessity of checking such preponderance, unless all West-
ern Europe was to be under the control of a single head.

Under the rule of that Emperor, the House of Austria
had possession and dominion over Spain, Portugal, all the
rich countries of America, the Netherlands, the Milanese,
the Kingdoms of Naples, Bohemia and Hungary, and all
Germany: and, after the battle of Pavia, in 1525, Charles
was, in effect, the master of Italy.

GERMANY AND SPAIN. 7

Worn out by the cares and anxieties of this great domin-
ion and his numerous wars in its defence ; and harassed by
the religious differences in his German States, Charles ex-
changed his crown (in 1555) for a Spanish cloister — and his
great Empire became divided.

To his son Philip was given Spain and its colonies, and
other dependencies ; and his Austrian possessions, as well
as the Imperial crown of Germany became the possession
of his brother, Ferdinand.

At about the time of the majority of Louis XIV., what
was deemed Germany consisted of a collection of upwards
of 300 Confederate States, some of large, some of very
small extent — some being merely free cities, some ecclesi-
astical sovereignties, some petty secular principalities, some
powerful realms ; of all which the Emperor was the supreme
potentate ; with reservation of certain rights and freedom of
action to the separate States.

Although the title of Emperor gave with it a certain
power, it gave no estates — but the most powerful of the
German reigning families, being the House of Austria, had
gradually so extended its influence, as to arrogate to itself
a hereditary right to the Imperial Crown, although the
form of an election, by the Electors of the Empire, was
always observed.

For purposes of protection and concord among them-
selves the German Empire was divided into ten combina-
tions or circles, viz. : Austria, Bavaria, Upper Saxony,
Lower Saxony, Westphalia, the upper Rhine, the lower
Rhine, Franconia and Swabia ; nominally also, the Belgicus
or Belgian, comprising the provinces of Holland and the
ten provinces, sometimes called Flanders.

SPAIN.

Spain at this time was governed by the elder branch of
the House of Austria.

At the time of the death of Charles V. and the division
of his dominions, Spain was the most powerful State iri
Europe.

8 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

To sustain her power she controlled the riches of Mexico
and Peru ; and her armies and her vast navies were main-
tained by supplies of treasure, that no other European
State could obtain, through the most extensive taxation of
the industry or estates of its subjects.

This power, maintained by continually incoming wealth,
seemed continually growing, and threatened, for a long
time, the liberties of other of the great States : but even
the power and dominion of Spain seemed, in time, to
produce weakness.

Her arrogance and pretensions caused wars that drained
her resources and raised up bitter enmities. The extent of
her possessions, and their distance from the mother coun-
try caused the employment and removal of large bodies of
troops; and, under the successors of Philip II., as has been
aptly remarked, Spain became a vast body without sufifi-
cient power to move or animate it ; governed more by the
fear of its reputed strength than by its existing force, and
its dominions began gradually, like useless limbs, to fall
away.

Under Philip IV. Portugal, Roussillon and Catalonia
were lost to the State ; and long before, the States of the
Low Dutch countries, generally known as Holland, had se-
cured their independence and thrown off the Spanish yoke ;
the monarchs had become ignorant, bigoted, and shut up
in foolish ceremony, and did nothing to promote the hap-
piness of their subjects or the welfare of their country.

Still Spain was a formidable power — and the riches of
America still flowed into its Treasury, although the corrup-
tion of its ofKcials and the weakness of its administration,
diverted much of this Treasure from the purposes of the
State ; and lowered the manhood that had made the Span-
ish soldier noted in the annals of European war.

HOLLAND.

The United Provinces of the Netherlands, although of
small extent, played an important part in the arena of
modern European war and politics.

HOLLAND. 9

The hardihood of the early inhabitants of these regions —
the Prison and the Batavian — had battled, in the midst of
their morasses, with Roman and Saxon and Frank and Ger-
man, struggling for the independence of the miserable
strips of land which barely yielded sustenance, but were al-
ways the subject of attack.

The hardihood of these early men had descended to a
people no less determined to be free. A people daring,
enterprising, persevering — born almost in the sea, which
they had mastered — nurtured amid morass and fen — exposed
to icy blasts from the North, and humid exhalations from
canal and dyke — taught early and ever, to battle with na-
ture or to perish — where the face of the sea and land and
sky, pale, sad and leaden, gave seriousness to the mind and
resolve to the character — a people whose patriotism more
than once overwhelmed their land with the floods of Ocean
to keep out the invader, and whose courage never gave way
under oppression or defeat.

With a country, insignifi-cant in size, and feeble in re-
sources, this people, in 1579 had declared themselves a
free nation, whose national character was thereafter formed
amid perils and tears and blood !

For nearly eighty years, with little intermission, they bat-
tled with the fierce legions of Spain in defence of country
and home and life — for eighty years they showed a courage
and perseverance under oppression, disaster and defeat,
unparalleled in human history — and, finally, the Seven
United Provinces of the Netherlands, having established
their liberties and consolidated their State took their stand
among the nations of Europe, and vied with them in
schemes of trade, exploration and dominion.

Waging a combat with Nature, as well as against the
aggression and cruelty of man, in a region where there was
more water than land — " where no animal could subsist in
a natural state " — where the winters were long and bitter,
and the yield of earth but small — they had, by barrier and
dyke, constructed meadows and gardens in the midst of the
waters — and the fierce seas, that had raged about them.

lo THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

were subdued, and tamely led, in canal and stream, through-
out the desolate land, to give it fertility and bloom.

The noisome fen and rank morass and, even the inlets of
the seas, now waved with golden grain — and where had
stormed the billows, peaceful cattle browsed, and tulip and
hyacinth and blossoming fruit lent their varying beauties to
the pastoral scene.

The forests had been hewn to support the houses of com-
merce, amid turreted cities that rose majestically from the
waters ;— great marts of trade, where resorted merchants
from all the civilized world ; and where probity of dealing
and industry and thrift gave honor and prosperity, where
they had been dearly and nobly earned.

At the beginning of the war of deliverance against Spain,
the Netherlands consisted of seventeen provinces, but the
confederation of those who declared their compact of union
at Utrecht (1579) were those subsequently known as " The
Seven United Provinces," often designated in history un-
der the name of " Holland."

These seven provinces consisted of Guelderland, Hol-
land, Zeeland, Utrecht, Over-Yssel, Friesland and Gronin-
gen ; and were in favor of the Protestant religion. At the
Treaty of Westphalia, in 1648, as has been seen above,
their independence was formally recognized as that of a
Federal Commonwealth.

The Southern provinces, often in history called Flanders,
or the Spanish Netherlands, remained subject to Spain, un-
der the immediate control of a Spanish governor or viceroy.
They became, as has been said of them, the chosen fight-
ing ground of Europe, and the chosen plaything of Euro-
pean diplomacy.

The people of the Seven United Provinces had shown to
Europe what the love of liberty, the spirit of industry and
the force of national character could do in forming and
maintaining a State ; and having worn out, by their hardi-
hood, the trained veterans of Spain and her Italian merce-
naries, under the command of the greatest captains of the
age, the little Republic, theretofore counting for nothing in
European politics, became a recognized factor in them.

ENGLAND. il

Since the recognition of the independence of the Prov-
inces, they had gone on increasing their resources and unit-
ing their strength, and had formed a State whose friendship
was to be cultivated, and whose enmity was formidable.
Their naval power was rapidly augmented — they wrested
from Spain and Portugal a large portion of their Indian
trade — their fishing boats swarmed in distant seas, and
added to the national wealth — they plant'ed colonies in the
islands of the East — they visited realms of sun and snow in
furtherance of commerce and discovery — and became the
factors, carriers and financiers of Europe — they built up a
navy that at one time checked a Spanish Armada and, at
another drove English fleets from the sea, and triumphantly
sailed up the Thames.

Recovering from the depression of a bloody struggle,
which had taxed their life and their resources, their moral
progress had equalled their political one, — they established
public schools, and gave to Europe the example of freedom
of education, of conscience and religion — and made their
country, in the face of the inhumanity and intolerance of
the time, an asylum for the persecuted and oppressed.

ENGLAND.

England, at about the time that Louis XIV. took upon
himself an active part in public affairs, was not a power of
very high consequence in European politics.

Cromwell, it is true, had asserted her power and main-
tained her dignity during his brief but vigorous administra-
tion ; but, since the Restoration, under the reign of the
second Charles, still weakened by internal dissensions, vacil-
lating in policy and governed by a heedless, unpatriotic and
pleasure-seeking monarch, the influence of England had
become sensibly diminished.

Her resources were small, her finances disturbed, her
navy had lost its skill and its daring, she had no standing
army, and no generals capable of commanding one ; her
statesmen were corru'pt and narrow minded ; and England
became, in a short time, and for many years remained, in

12 TBE HISTORY OF A GREA T TREATY.

effect, a mere dependency upon the French crown— bought
by its gold, obedient to its dictation and subservient to its
interests ; and the feeble Charles turned her navies against
those who had given him shelter and support; and who
were, by nature, and sympathy, his allies.

FRANCE.

The great object of Henry IV. had been to lower the
House of Austria and spread French influence over Europe.

This policy had been followed by Richelieu ; and, at his
death, in 1642, he had left France powerful, and its influ-
ence in Europe greater than ever before.

Mazarin followed, in the same ideas, and Louis XIV. ex-
ceeded, in his ambitious scope, all the monarchs and minis-
ters who had preceded him.

Louis was born in September, 1638, and became, in 165 1,
of the legal age to govern, but, during his actual minority,
paid no regai'd to public affairs. When he became king,
through the death of his father, Louis XIII., a war was
raging with Spain, which had not been terminated by the
Peace of Westphalia, and which was continued during
a large part of his minority ; and, from the succession of
Louis XIV. down to the recognized establishment of his
grandson on the Spanish throne, by the treaty of Utrecht,
there raged between France and the other great powers
of Western Europe a series of prolonged and devastating
wars.

The famous treaty of the Pyrenees, which, in 1659, finally
terminated the long war with Spain, also embraced the in-
teresting feature of a marriage between the young King,
then about twenty-one years of age, and the daughter of
Philip IV. of Spain, the Infanta Donna Maria Theresa.
On the death of Cardinal Mazarin, in 1661, Louis began
really to reign ; and startled his ministers and council by a
forcible declaration so to do.

At 22 years of age, he found himself at the head of a
kingdom whose armies had been weakened and shattered
in civil dissensions and foreign wars, and whose finances

FRANCE. 13

were deranged not only by the expenses of war but by
peculation, extravagance and other official abuse.

By the intelligence of the king, however, by his aptitude
for business, and his talent for reigning, and, through the
exertions of the able ministers Le Tellier, Colbert and
Louvois, he built up France ; her finances were re-estab-
lished, her industry and commerce were developed, her
navy became formidable, her armies spread over Europe
and gained laurels for a Monarch, who, in time, became the
despoiler of States, and a dictator to Princes.

To his great Minister, Colbert, whose wise administration
shed lustre on his master's Crown, was Louis particularly
indebted for the prosperity that marked the earlier portion
of his reign.

Far seeing, humane and just, Colbert's comprehensive
genius sought out and, rectified abuses, relieved the labor-
ing and agricultural classes from the oppression of undue
taxation and feudal exaction, controlled the ambitious
schemes and plots of courtiers and office-holders, cut off
sinecures, put a stop to official plunder, and instituted a
policy of peace. He opposed the oppression of the Prot-
estants, encouraged art, science and literature : and, by his
judicious changes in finance and in naval and military af-
fairs, and by other wise and comprehensive schemes of re-
form and improvement, so developed the agricultural, com-
mercial and financial resources of the kingdom as to make
France the most powerful, prosperous and intellectual na-
tion of Europe.

CHAPTER III.

Acts of Louis XIV. on assuming the Reins of Government. — War
against Spain of 1667. — The Triple Alliance, — Peace of Aix-La-
Chapelle. — War against Holland; 1672-1679. — Declaration of War
by England against Holland. — Desperate condition of Holland. —
Williarri of Orange made Stadt-holder and Generalissimo. — Progress
of the War. — Peace made between Holland and England. — Treaty
of Westminster. — Germany and Spain unite with Holland. — Peace of
Nymeguen 1678- 1679.

WAR AGAINST SPAIN OF 1 667.

Cardinal Mazarin had said of Louis XIV., presaging
his thirst for power and genius for ruling, " He has set
out rather late ; but he will go farther than anybody else.
There is stuff enough in him to make four kings, and an
honest man."

On taking the actual reins of government in his hands,
at about the age of twenty-three, Louis immediately forti-
fied his frontiers, renewed his alliances, and began reforms
in the administration of justice and the finances.

When Mazarin died, in March, 1661, there was no war
with Spain. Prosperity for France seemed assured, both in
its foreign and domestic relations. The peace of the Pyre-
nees however, was of no long duration, and the young
king's thirst for conquest soon developed itself.

War was begun against Spain by Louis, during the child-
hood of Charles II., the latter's mother being regent of that
kingdom. There was no plausible pretext for war against
his young brother-in-law and a weak and decaying neighbor-
ing kingdom. A pretext was made that Philip IV. had not
paid the dowry of the French Queen, and Flanders and
Franche Comtd were claimed as an indemnity.

The Spanish possession of the Netherlands, unfortunate
Flanders, which was quite unprepared for resistance, be-

JVAJ? AGAINST SPAIN OF 1667. le

came again the great theatre of war. i Charleroi, Ath, Tour-
nay, Courtrai, Lisle and other important places in French
Flanders and Hainault capitulated, after a few days' siege
of each, by an army that seemed to make a pastime of the
campaign, and easily scattered the small Spanish army of
occupation of 8000 men. The whole of Flanders bordering
on France was taken in three months. The king, at the
head of his brilliant officers, courtiers and merry makers,
then marched in a series of easy triumphs, through Franche
Comt^, a peaceful semi-independent country, under the
protection of Spain ; it made but a feeble resistance, and in
three weeks, became a French possession.

Europe began now to awaken to a sense of the danger of
allowing this new monarch to have his own way, who made
war as an amusement, and, with scarcely a pretext, devas-
tated peaceful countries and fortified himself by annexing
all the strongholds within his reach.

England had made peace (that of Breda, in 1667) with
Holland, after a war which had brought no honor to the
former country ; and now England, Sweden and Holland
(Jan., 1668) entered into a compact called " The Triple Al-
liance" which bound those Protestant States together in
close union, and, by their threatening attitude, compelled
Louis to ma,ke peace. This was the peace of Aix-la-Cha-
pelle, made in May, 1668.

By this Treaty, it was stipulated, that the contracting
parties were not to give up any of their "pretensions."
Spain yielded to France various towns in the Spanish Neth-
erlands, on the rivers Sambre, the Scheldt, the Dender and
the Lys, which Louis immediately began to strengthen,
under the superintendence of Vauban. Franche Comt6,
however, was given back to Spain, but in a defenceless
state ; and certain fortresses which had been held by France
were also yielded with their strong works demolished.

By the retention of fortresses on the frontier, and the
strengthening of others, another war was evidently contem-
plated by the ambitious young king, on whom Fortune
seemed everywhere to smile.

1 6 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT 7REATY.

WAR AGAINST HOLLAND 1672-1679.

France had now been at peace for less than two years,
when the restless ambition of Louis began to move him
toward another contest.

He had been especially aggrieved that Holland should
have dared to enter into the compact against him which
had checked his pi'ogress in the late war.

He, therefore, now sought to detach England from her
alliance with Holland, so that the latter might fall an easy
prey to his armies.

Charles H. of England, who was without either magna-
nimity or honor, and who wanted money for his pleasures,
became an easy convert to the views of Louis.

French money and the intrigues of French diplomacy
were materially assisted by the persuasions of Charles' sis-
ter, Henrietta, the wife of the French king's only brother,
the Duke of Orleans, as well as by the wiles and smiles of
Mademoiselle de Querouaille, afterwards Duchess of Ports-
mouth, who was sent over by Louis, as the most potent di-
plomatist he could select to influence the frivolous English
monarch.

A secret league was thereupon made in May, 1670, with
England, or rather with Charles, and little Holland was left
for Louis to devour at his leisure.

The formidable preparations that Louis was making for
his new conquest caused great consternation in Holland,
which was, at that time, somewhat divided by civil dissen-
sions and totally unprepared for war.

Her people had long peaceably cultivated the soil, and
given their attention to commerce which had made them
prosperous, but indisposed them to warlike operations by
land, in which they were quite inexperienced.

Their little militia army of 25,000 bourgeois appeared con-
temptible in the eyes of the great monarchs of Europe,
although the Dutch navy was formidable, having, during
the period of the English commonwealth, and in the early
years of Charles' reign, defied the navies of England, in
many a gallant fight.

WAK AGAIN'ST HOLLAND leji-iSj^. ly

Louis gave no pretext for his hostility, except that the
Dutch had treated him contemptuously in their pamphlets,
and he complained that a medal had been struck in Hol-
land, ridiculing him ■ — It was the pretext of the wolf to the
lamb.

England gave equally feeble reasons. Charles was con-
tent with his stipend of ;^20o,ooo a year ; and agreed to
furnish fifty men-of-war.

Every preparation was made to entirely crush the de-
fenceless Republic, that breathlessly awaited the attack.

De Groot, the Dutch minister at Paris, thus wrote to the
States General, in Nov., 1671 : " I leave you to judge with
what heartbreaking, I continue in this country, where noth-
ing is to be heard but invectives against their High-might-
inesses, and where, as I am informed, a manifesto is pre-
paring against them."

He subsequently writes, in relation to the alleged causes
of grievance, by France, against Holland ; specifying,
among others, the duties imposed by Holland on French
wines, and concludes thus: " But it is certain that the only
discontent they have here, against their High-mightinesses,,
is not founded on any reason, but arises from their puffed
up pride, which cannot suffer that so small a State should
dare to put itself on a level with a King ; either in main-
taining the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle or in laying duties upon
the produce of their Kingdom ; imagining that it does not
become such a Republic to show so little respect to this King
as to presume to counteract or frustrate his edicts by their
placards." He writes also of the gathering of troops and
other preparations made by France, evidently directed
against Holland alone — of the manufacture of " frost shoes,"
of light portable bridges for crossing rivers, and of portable
boats made of reeds and rushes, and of the movement of
fleets and armies. To the remonstrances of De Groot
against these threatening preparations for war, Louis re-
turned the abrupt reply that " he could give no other an-
swer than that he was busy assembling his troops and equip-
ping his fleet : which, being done, he would take such reso-
lutions as he should deem most conducive to his interests
2

1 8 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

and his glory." Soon after, he gave the Dutch Ambassa-
dor to understand that he had better return home.

De Groot, thereupon, wrote to the States General to the
effect that there was no time now for negotiation or media-
tion, but that they must be prepared, at any moment, to
find the French in the heart of their dominions.

Louis, subsequently, sent an insolent and sarcastic letter
to the States General, dated 6th Jan., 1672 ; in which he
accuses them of want of proper regard for him and his in-
terests, and thus concludes : " If it is true, as you recognize
the fact, that justice is the rule of your conduct and actions,
and that you are satisfied with the view you take of them,
you ought not to be so disquieted, as you are, about our
arms. We will now plainly say to you that we will increase
our armament by land and sea, as pleases us ; and when in
the condition that we propose to place it, we will employ
it as suits our dignity, without any account to render to
anybody — being assured that God and those Potentates
who have not been prejudiced against us, by sinister means,
will approve our resolution.

" Your good friend, ally and confederate,

"Louis."

Holland received, at first, no aid or sympathy from the
other Powers of Europe, who might well be alarmed at this
new attack on the liberties of States.

The Archbishop of Cologne, Maximilian of Bavaria, and
the Bishop of Munster were brought over to French inter-
ests, with little trouble ; and in March, 1672, war was for-
mally declared against Holland, both by France and Eng-
land. Thirty men-of-war, of fifty pieces of cannon each,
joined with the English fleet were to operate by sea, and
the king, with his brother, marched to the frontiers at
the head of 112,000 men who were eager for plunder and
military distinction.

The great generals Turenne, Cond^ and Luxembourg,
were to move the hosts in the field, while the sieges were
to be under charge of the great engineer and siege-master,
Vauban : and Louvois, the war minister, was active in all
that related to the armament and provisioning of the troops.

WAR AGAINST HOLLAND i6'j2-i6y<j. ig

To climax all, Pelisson, the historian, accompanied the king
to chronicle his victories ; and a crowd of the nobility offi-
cered the forces or figured in the ranks. The Garde du
corps, the gendarmes of the garde, the light horsemen and
the mousquet aires glittering in arms and decorated with
gold and silver, marched eagerly forward thirsting for pro-
motion, and for distinction in the eyes of the court, and,
above all, of the king. The Queen and the two Mistresses
also attended with their brilliant households to witness the
great play of war. Holland was rapidly overwhelmed by
the torrent of her invaders — Lorraine, which sided with her,
was seized — the Rhine was crossed with feeble opposition —
the fortified towns of Rhineberg, Orsoy, Wesel, and Burich
and others on the Rhine gave in, almost without a blow,
and others, on the Ysel, soon followed.

The lines beyond the Rhine were abandoned as the storm
of war swept Eastward and Northward. The French then
rapidly took Zutphen, Arnheim, Nymeguen, Bommel and
other fortified places in Guelderland, that surrendered,
helpless against overpowering numbers. Utrecht, too, was
taken, where Louis established his camp ; and the Prov-
inces of Utrecht, Over-Yssel and Guelderland lay panting
and fearful at the feet of the conqueror.

Amsterdam less than thirty miles north of Utrecht awaited
her turn — the skirmishers were within a league of her gates
— her rich citizens, with their families, were preparing for
flight to Batavia or some other colonial region — De Witt
the grand Pensionary was ready to yield — and timid pa-
triots gave up their country as lost, and were almost ready
to submit to the yoke of France.

Deputies were now sent to beg for mercy and peace.
But they were received with harshness, and ridicule: the
terms offered were dishonorable and insulting, including,
among others, that the Roman Catholic religion should be
established, and that, every year, an Ambassador extraor-
dinary should be sent to France, with the written acknowl-
edgment that the Hollanders held their liberties from the
hand of the French king !

These terms were so intolerable that all revolted from

20 THE HISTOR Y OF A GREA T TREA TY.

thoughts of peace— the courage of desperation took the
place of concession — all hearts turned, for their deliverance,
to the young Prince William of Orange who was elected
Stadt-holder and General of all the forces by land and sea
to lead them on to a desperate and final struggle for their
lives and liberty.

The suffering populace, in their frenzy, massacred the
Pensionary De Witt and his brother, who were opposed to
William in his policy of government.

With a patriotism that preferred self-immolation to sur-
render, the dykes were opened — and the seas poured in : —
the rich plains were submerged — and Amsterdam stood,
like a lioness, at bay, in the midst of the waste of waters.

The French, unable to accomplish their purpose while
the country was thus flooded, finding their tactics of no
avail and their vast numbers useless, retired precipitately.

The Dutch fleets were now free to move : De Ruyter
fought the combined English and French squadrons, drove
them from the coasts, and safely convoyed the Dutch, In-
diamen into the great bay of the Zuyder Zee.

The Prince of Orange, although not yet 23 years of age,
took a bold and active part in resisting the invasion. He
cut the Dykes wherever the French threatened to move,
and gave up his private fortune to the needs of his country.
He fought the enemy by sea and land, and finally, opened
secret negotiations with Spain and the Emperor.

Seriously alarmed, they responded ; and soon, the Gov-
ernor of Flanders, the Emperor Leopold and the Elector of
Brandenburg sent contributions of troops to the aid of Hol-
land; and a formal league was made, in August, 1672.

Louis left Holland to his generals to finish the conquest he
had undertaken, and which, had their movements been more
rapid, might have been accomplished : but his army was
divided and shut up in the various fortified places and dis-
tricts taken, and the golden opportunity was gone. The
allies soon, thereafter, seized Cologne, and intercepted com-
munication between France and Holland by the Rhine.
The Empire, the Elector of Brandenburg, and Spain were
now fairly in the field against France; from every part of

PEA CE OF NYMEGUEN. 2 1

Germany troops poured toward the Rhine, and a great Eu-
ropean war resulted.

Franche Comtd was again invaded, and submitted to the
French : the war raged along the Rhine and in Lorraine and
Alsace, where Turenne achieved rapid success, and carried
fire and sword into the Palatinate, in a manner that called
forth the denunciations of Europe.

Condd operated his forces in Flanders opposed to William,
where the contest was obstinate and bloody, but not de-
cisive. Charles II. of England was now compelled by public
opinion there, to secede from his alliance with France ; and
in Feb., 1674, he concluded a separate peace with Holland,
known as the Treaty of Westminster.

In 1674 and 1675, the war continued to rage along the
Rhine with varying success. Montecuculi and other able
generals of the allies checked the victorious progress of the
French — their great captain, Turenne, having been killed,
at Salzbach.

Louis, in spite of some checks, and the drain on his re-
sources continued singly to oppose the United forces of the
Empire, Spain and Holland, and took Condd, Bouchain,
Valenciennes and Cambray on the Scheldt, and other places
in Hainault, where the Prince of Orange opposed him, with
skilful tactics and untiring energy. Ghent and Ypres also
yielded to the French.

Luxembourg and Crequi conducted the king's armies in
Germany, but lost the important post of Philipsbourg on
the upper Rhine.

As a result, so far, in the war, the French were generally
successful in Flanders and Germany, and obtained several
important naval victories.

PEACE OF NYMEGUEN.

All sides were now, however, worn out with this terrible
war which had for nearly seven years desolated central
Europe.

Finally, Louis, having by intrigue, caused jealousies and
differences among the allies, dictated almost his own terms

2a THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

of the peace which was signed, as between the Dutch and
French, at Nymeguen, on the loth of August, 1678, contrary
to the active opposition of the Stadtholder.

By this treaty, Louis added to his dominions Franche
Comtd and Dunkerque ; and half of Flanders, commonly
known as French Flanders, were to be retained by him,
including the important towns of Valenciennes, Charlemont,
Cambrai, Bouchain, Ypres, St. Omer and Conde ; while to
Spain were to be restored certain other towns to form the
barrier against France earnestly desired by Holland, includ-
ing the important places, Charleroi, Ghent, Limburg, Cour-
trai, Oudenarde, and St. Greislan.

Holland lost no territory by the war ; but Maestricht
was to be ceded to Spain.

The Duke of Lorraine, on certain conditions was to be
restored to his estates, of which concession however he
refused to avail himself.

It was not until October, 1679, that the Peace was finally
concluded between France and the other contending
powers, Spain, the Emperor, the Germanic Diet, the
Elector of Brandenburg, and the King of Denmark; all
of whom^ resisted in arms the terms proposed by France,
until the French Generals, by threatening movements and
some brilliant successes, determined them to peace.

As a condition of the peace, Louis required that the
Spanish flag should be first lowered at sea and dipped to
that of France ; and the king of Spain was to renounce the
title of Count of Burgundy. As regards Holland, but two
French guns were to be fired in answer to nine salutes from
the former country.

. These provisions illustrate the pretention and power of
France, at the time.

CHAPTER IV.

Europe after the Peace of Nymeguen. — Occupation of Strasburg, by the
French. — AUiance of Germany, Spain, Holland and Sweden. —
Entrance into the Netherlands by the French. — The Truce of Ratis-
bon. — Compact of Augsburg ; 1686. — Bombardment of Genoa. —
Action of the French at Rome. — ^War in 1688. — The Revolution
in England. — William of Orange becomes King. — Louis' welcome
of James II. — The Grand Alliance. — Operations of the war. — Capt-
ure of Mons and Namur. — Louis at Gembloux. — Defeat of WilUam
at Steinkirk and Neerwinden. — Retaking of Namur by William. —
Proposals of Peace. — The Peace of Ryswick ; 1697. — Policy of Louis.
— General results of the War.

After the conclusion of the peace of Nymeguen, in
October, 1679, the other Powers disbanded their troops ;
Louis kept those of France on a war footing. He em-
ployed them in new aggressions, by despoiling certain
princes of their seigneuries, which, he asserted, were
appanages of Alsace; and, as lord of that Province, he
claimed the rights of feudal lordship over them. He also
formed a design to take possession of the free city of Stras-
burg ; and after gaining over the magistrates, under threats
of bombardment, he took possession of the city, and was
acknowledged by it as Suzerain. He garrisoned the place
with French troops, and Vauban strengthened its defences.
After it had been thoroughly fortified a commemorative
medal was struck, with the boastful legend, " Clausa Ger-
manis Gallia."

This annexation of Strasburg by France caused great
excitement and grave apprehension throughout Germany ;
and the alarm was stimulated by pamphlets circulated, to
the effect that Louis had formed a design to seize the
Imperial crown for the house of Bourbon, by the creation
of the Dauphin as King of the Romans, and presumptive
successor to the Emperor Leopold.

24 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Under these apprehensions, Holland, Sweden, Spain,
several of the circles of the Empire, Bavaria and the
Emperor, in 1682, entered into agreements of alliance,
guaranteeing the maintenance of the treaties of Munster
and Nymeguen and for mutual assistance against France.

In the mean while, France took advantage of the peace
to fortify and strengthen herself for further warfare ; and,
by way of interlude, French flotillas under Duquesne, bom-
barded the cities and strongholds of the Emperor of
Morocco and the Dey of Algiers ; and compelled those
piratical potentates to restore French prisoners and sue for
peace.

The Prince of Orange now exerted all his influence to
have a general war against France declared ; no Power
however seemed willing again to take that step ; the mem-
ories of the former terrible contests were recent, and not
inspiring. Louis defied them all, and turned his attention
particularly to the increase of his navy.

The effective of men was raised to 60,000; and 100
vessels of the line rode in the ports of Brest, Havre de
Grace, Dunkirk and Toulon.

Impatient that Spain had not carried out, according to
his ideas, the Treaty of Nymeguen, or, perhaps, seeking a
new pretext for his ambitious schemes, Louis again assailed
that kingdom through its unfortunate Flemish possessions.
French troops entered into Flanders and Brabant, and laid
them under contribution ; bombarding several towns that
were easily taken. Marshals de Crequi and Vauban be-
sieged Luxembourg, and in a few weeks (June 7, 1684) it
surrendered, and was strengthened by Vauban for the new
French occupation.

Justly incensed, Spain, at the close of the year 1683, had
declared war against France ; and Holland, now becoming
apprehensive for its barrier against France, made threats
of assistance to Spain. Louis, deciding to remove the seat
of war from Flanders, a part of the army proceeded to
Liege, to assist the Prince Bishop Elector of Cologne to
subjugate his subjects in the former city.

Other French troops carried on the war in Catalonia.

THE TRUCE OF RATISBON. 2$

Finally, as the Emperor began to arouse himself to as-
sist Spain, a truce of twenty years was signed at Ratisbon,
in August, 1684, between the Empire and France, and be-
tween France and Spain. By this truce it was stipulated,
among other things, that France was to remain in posses-
sion of Alsace and its then dependencies for the space of
twenty years ; and Louis was to retain possession of Stras-
burg and Kehl. William of Orange was earnestly opposed
to the truce of Ratisbon : he saw that after every peace
France was gaining new territory, and every cessation of
arms by her was but a prelude to new aggression.

Subsequently, in July, 1686, a compact was entered into
at Augsburg, by which the Princes of the Empire bound
themselves together for mutual defence — the King of
Spain, as the head of the circle of Burgundy, and the King
of Sweden, as Duke of Pomerania, were parties to the al-
liance. The Prince of Orange, always indefatigable in all
that concerned opposition to France, was supposed to have
been the instigator of this compact.

After the truce of Ratisbon the French troops did not
remain idle. Genoa, having showed sympathy with Spain,
and repudiating a French protectorate, a pretext was
made to make war upon that proud but not very powerful
Republic.

The envoy of Genoa was thrown into the Bastile : a
series of terrible bombardments, by which nearly the whole
of the beautiful city was destroyed, compelled it to yield,
and the venerable Doge was obliged under one of the terms
of peace, to go, in person, with four of the Senators to Ver-
sailles, "to testify in the name of the Republic of Genoa,
its extreme regret for having displeased his Majesty, in most
respectful and submissive terms." The Barbary States also
were again chastised and bombarded into submission.

Louis also sent some soldiers and marines to Rome and
mounted guard over the Pope, who could only make a
feeble protest against the insult. France meantime kept
strengthening her fortified places and increasing her army.

These operations and preparations of France were anx-
iously watched by the other powers, who bestirred them-

26 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

selves to make alliances for mutual support, much fncited
thereto by the Pope, Innocent XL, who naturally enter-
tained bitter feeling against the insolent French king.

WAR IN 1688.

The peace or truce of Ratisbon had been in existence
barely four years, when the king of France determined on
another war, and French troops began to defile towards
Alsace and Lorraine. By his manifesto of Sept. 24, 1688,
the reason or rather pretext alleged by the French king,
was that the Emperor had hostile designs against France,
which he intended to carry out so soon as he had made
peace with the Turks.

The alliance made by the above mentioned league of
Augsburg, for the purpose of maintaining the public tran-
quillity, and carrying out the provisions of the treaties of
Westphalia and Nymeguen, was also construed as a menace
by Louis.

Two other motives for the war were put forward ; one re-
lating to certain rights of the sister-in-law of the French
king, the Duchess of Orleans, in property in the Palatinate ;
and the other the right to control in favor of one of Louis'
own creatures, the election of an archbishop elector of Co-
logne, which belonged of right to the chapter of the Cathe-
dral. But the veritable motive for the war, by Louis, is
supposed to have been, that he might through the opera-
tions of his forces in the vicinity of Holland, prevent the
future accession of William of Orange to the throne of
England, by diverting William's attention to the safety of
his own country.

It was of the highest importance that James, who was a
co-religionist and a friend, and even, in effect, a paid vassal
of Louis, should, in the event of an European crisis, be
maintained on the English throne, and continue there as
an ally of France ; whereas, if the Prince of Orange suc-
ceeded to that throne, he would have the power both of
England and Holland to use in thwarting the ambitious
views of the French king.

fVAH IN 1688. 27

So soon as news of the landing of the Prince of Orange
(Nov., 1688) in England, came to France, that country
declared war against Holland.

The war that ensued was carried on with great acrimony
and even barbarity.

Louis immediately sent the Dauphin into Germany with
an army of 100,000 men, with such skilled leaders to
guide him as D'Humiferes, Catinat, Boufflers, Vauban and
D'Huxelles.

This policy of Louis of carrying the war into the heart
of Germany, instead of attacking Holland, was deemed
unwise, for it left William free to carry out his designs
upon England.

In the autumn of 1688, the important fortress of Philips-
bourg was taken ; and also Manheim, Franchendal, Spire,
Mentz, Treves and Worms — the Palatinate was a second
time ravaged and burned, and, under instructions from the
barbarous war-minister, Louvois, turned almost into a
desert — also parts of Baden and territories bordering on the
Rhine. Manheim and Treves were utterly demolished,
and the French arms swept victoriously down the Rhine,
from mid-Baden to Cologne.

Denunciation of French barbarity and cries for venge-
ance against the ruthless invaders now arose throughout
Germany, and the people flew to arms with unanimity to
protect their homes. The Germans, under the Duke of
Lorraine, and the Elector of Brandenburg retook Bonn and
Mentz and had other various successes.

The war was thereupon carried on into Flanders, Ger-
many and Catalonia : Catinat achieved great victories, for
the king, in Italy, and became master of nearly all of Savoy
and Piedmont.

Luxembourg, also, in 1690, gained important successes
for France, in Flanders.

Before William's appearance on the theatre of war, in
Flanders, a great Revolution had taken place in England,
and James II., the protegd and ally of Louis, had been
driven from the throne.

This revolution changed England from an ally of France,

28 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

into a bitter and persistent foe, and had a permanent effect
upon the fortunes of Europe.

The Prince of Orange had seen that if he were Sovereign
of England he could control its policy towards the delight
of his heart, a war with France. The prospect of such a war
rather than anabition for further rule induced him to ac-.
quire the English throne.

The history of his conquest is well known ; and, in Janu-
ary, 1689, the unfortunate bigot James, of whom a high
Cathohc prelate of the time said, " that he sacrificed three
thrones for a mass," took refuge with Louis, imploring his
assistance.

In welcoming the royal family to France, with magnifi-
cent hospitality, Louis' remark to the exiled Queen indicated
the part he was to take in the effort of James to regain his
throne. " I perform rather a sad service for you, Madame,"
said he, " but I hope soon to render yop more important
and fortunate ones." 'The formal declaration of war by
England against France was made on the 7th of May, 1689.
Louis immediately proceeded to carry out his promises ;
he fitted out a fleet and provided arms, munitions and
troops to transport James to Ireland, where the latter made
his final efforts to recover his crown. French fleets also
cruised in the Channel, and attacked Dutch and English
vessels wherever they were to be encountered ; and Tour-
ville, in March, 1690, sent out to' further an expedition in
favor of James, obtained a signal victory over the combined
fleets, and gained for the French, temporarily, the mastery
of the seas.

The battle of the Boyne, and subsequent discomfitures at
Athlone, Aghrim, Limerick and elsewhere, by land and sea,
however, terminated the hopes of the Jacobites for the
time ; and James, become a king in name alone, held court
at St. Germain, a pensionary of the French king. He had

abundant leisure now to muse over his fallen greatness

the result of a'tyrannous and bigoted rule.

This unnecessary and cruelly conducted war and the
apprehension it excited, had led to the formation' of a
further permanent offensive- and defensive alliance against

THE GRAND ALLIANCE. 29

France, between the Empire and Holland, to which Eng-
land and Charles II. of Spain subsequently acceded.

This alliance, when completed Dec. 30, 1689, is known in
history as " The Grand Alliance." Its main design was to
keep France to observance of the Treaties of Westphalia
and the Pyrenees, and to act against her in any attempt to
make war on any member of the compact.

The alliance also was declared to be for the purpose of
ensuring to the Emperor and his successors the Spanish crown,
on the decease of the then King, Charles II.

Most of the German Princes, through the influence and
untiring energy of William, by promises of subsidies and
reward, also united in the alliance, which became one of an
extensive and formidable character. The Duke of Savoy
subsequently took side with the allies.

As the war progressed not only the borders of the Rhine
but Spain, Italy and the Low Countries, and also Ireland,
became theatres of conflict.

Early in the spring of 1691 Louis, assisted by Luxem-
bourg and Vauban manoeuvring at the head of 100,000 men,
had compelled Mons, one of the most important fortified
places of Hainault, to surrender, almost without a blow.

At times, Louis took the field in person, and was carried
about in sumptuous carriages, with his cooks, valets and
numerous household. He moved in the style of an Ori-
ental Prince. Actors and musicians with accessories for
operatic and theatric performance accompanied the march
of the army, by whom the military glories of the King were
portrayed in eulogistic and bombastic phrase. An au-
dience, too, of courtiers, bedizened dames and titled ama-
teurs of war moved with the army as a necessary part of
the grand military promenade.

The journey through the conquered countries was a con-
tinuous fSte — fire -works, masked balls and banquets pro-
claimed the entrance of the court and army into each sub-
missive town, and the courts of the King and the Dauphin
vied in magnificence. The king gave splendid reviews for
the benefit of the ladies of the court, and all were merry, in
the confidence of speedy and final conquest.

30 THE HISTORY OF A GREA T TREA TV.

The ladies finally went to Dinant, while the king com-
menced the siege of Namur, on the Meuse, then one of the
greatest fortresses of Europe, where to glorify himself, he
nominally took command of the army. With him was
Monseigneur his son, Monsieur d'Orleans his brother,
M. le Prince, son of the great Cond^, and also the bastard
princes. Marshals D'Humiferes and Vauban conducted the
siege, while the Duke of Luxembourg commanded the army
of 80,000 men covering the operations, and stood prepared
to give battle to any force that might attempt to raise
the siege.

On the 8th day the town capitulated ; and on the 27th of
May, 1692, the citadel ; and one of the strongest places of
the Netherlands was occupied by a French garrison. The
allied armies were slow to assemble for the succor of Namur
— and, when in force, could do no more than fruitlessly
menace the besiegers ; and William became a mortified wit-
ness of this disaster to the allied arms.

Louis' personal movements during these sieges were
varied with an occasional pretentious exposure to the not
very precise balls and bullets of the day; which were all
duly placarded and extolled, and added much to the halo
of " glory " that was supposed always to encircle the head
of the " Grand Monarque."

The presence of the ladies, however, often seriously in-
terfered with the operations of war.

When Louis renewed his campaign in June, 1693, at the
head of the French troops encamped at Gembloux, a few
miles northwest of Namur, with the project of laying
siege to either Brussels or Liege, he had William in a trap
enclosed by two armies; and, having an innumerable force,
could have obtained a complete triumph over the allied
army. Persuaded by Madame de Maintenon he became
tired of playing the hero, ignominiously quitted the field,
dispersed his two armies, against the ardent expostulations
of Luxembourg and Boufflers, and retired to enjoy the so-
ciety of the ladies and the luxury and pomp of Versailles.
The arms of France were humiliated — every soldier felt de-
graded — Louis became the laughing stock of his own army

SUCCESSES OF THE FRENCH. 31

and of Europe, and William, to his astonishment, found
not only his own army, but the whole of the. Netherlands
saved from a disaster that seemed without remedy.

Amid all this pomp of war and pride of power and gor-
geous array of gilded hosts that filled and stirred the brill-
iant scene, the mangled corpses of hecatombs of a simple
humanity, ruined towns and devastated fields formed a dark
and stern background ; and the sighs of the bereaved and
the wail from desolated homes played a sad and terrible
undertone to accompany this glittering drama of blood.

It is a melancholy reflection, that, of all these wars the
military results were the taking and retaking of the miser-
able towns on the frontiers, exposed ever to attack by one
or other of the contending armies : Winter gave them some
repose — but, with the breath of Spring, came the roar
of artillery and the wild shouts of invading war.

In July, 1692, Luxembourg defeated King William's forces
at the great battle of Steinkirk ; and in the subsequent year
in the desperately fought conflict at Neerwinden : in the
latter fight the allies lost over 20,000 men with all their camp
and artillery ; and the French at least 10,000 of the best
troops of the kingdom.

William, however, was neither disheartened nor discour-
aged by these defeats. He rallied his forces — got together
other troops, and was, in a few weeks, prepared for further
action.

The allies were generally unsuccessful, so far, in the war,
except that the French troops sent to Ireland, in the cause
of James, were driven from that country — and the cause
of James was irretrievably lost.

In spite of his successes, however, Louis, seeing how
France was becoming impoverished and depopulated, and
for other reasons suggested below, made liberal overtures to
Germany, and Holland and Spain, for peace. William III.,
however, did his utmost to prevent this being accomplished ;
and, by great efforts, succeeded in concentrating a mighty
army of the allies in Flanders : Luxembourg, by skilful
tactics, prevented any effective operations by the allies,
except the taking of a few minor towns.

32- THE HISTORY OF A GREAT 2REATY.

The war went on in the mean while, generally with suc-
cess to the French, in Catalonia, in Piedmont and on the
Rhine ; and the naval forces of the belligerents had many-
severe engagements. Privateers swarmed in the seas, and
the destruction of their merchant marine caused distress to
the commerce of all the belligerents. During the year 1694,
little progress was made by the French ; the allied forces
kept them in check, and the fortress of Huy, a place of
some importance, was taken by William. The English and
Dutch fleets now also controlled the seas, and bombarded
the coasts of France.

In August, 1695, the king of England commanding the
allies besieged, and after long and desperate fighting, retook
Namur, in presence, almost, of the French army; while
Villeroi, in return for this, and to divert the allies from the
siege, bombarded Brussels and destroyed a third of it.
The taking of Namur was a brilliant feat of the campaign,
and caused exultation throughout Germany: the rejoicing
in England, also, was great, and the mortification of the
French extreme, at the loss of this great fortress, whose
taking, three years before, had been the great military ex-
ploit of the French king. Pending the siege, even the
powers of Heaven were appealed to for aid. Louis par-
took of the sacrament, and made confession of his many
sins ; while in order to propitiate celestial minds towards
France, Madame de Maintenon and her nuns were not idle,
and, on bended knees, with the telling of beads and the
chanting of prayers, implored blessings on the guns of
Boufflers, to the discomfiture of the detested William.

Notwithstanding the many victories and the general suc-
cess of'the French arms, Louis, disappointed in his efforts to
dethrone William in England, and motived, too, it is sup-
posed, by a desire to break up the Grand Alliance, in view
of the approaching decease of Charles IL of Spain, set on
foot negotiations for peace. He succeeded in his efforts by
gradually approaching members of the Grand Alliance, with
special offers to their individual advantage. The first
Prince to break the alliance was the Duke of Savoy, who
made a treaty of neutraHty, influenced by an offer to re-

TERMINATION OF THE WAR. 23

turn his states to him, and a proposition to marry his
daughter to the Duke of Burgundy, grandson of the King.

This defection of the Duke of Savoy and the very favor-
able overtures made by Louis, finally disposed William and
the Emperor to the idea of peace.

The Emperor dreaded the effects of the campaign then
threatening, and Spain was weakened by successive defeats
and the loss of nearly all Catalonia. The war, however,
continued during the years 1696 and the spring of 1697;
but as the treasuries both of France and England were
empty, the generals on either side were contented to keep
their troops together and check each other's movements.

In March, 1697, William wrote to Heinsius, the Pen-
sionary of Holland. " I foresee with you, to my great sor-
row, that if we will have peace it must be against the con-
sent of the House of Austria, which will meet with endless
difficulties ; but, I see no possibility of continuing the war
in hopes of mending the situation of affairs and thereby
bringing the enemy to more advantageous conditions ; and,
it is certain, that if the enemy gain great advantages over
the House of Austria this campaign, then this last will be
for peace, when it is too late." The conclusions of the
Emperor and Spain were assisted by the fact that there
were 80,000 French soldiers in Flanders under Villeroi,
40,000 on the borders of the Rhine, and Marshal Catinat,
considered the most skilful of the French commanders of
the day, was at the head of 40,000 men in Piedmont. Be-
fore the end of July, 1697, the terms of pacification, as be-
tween France and England, were definitely settled ; and by
the end of the year 1697, all parties to the great war, which
had desolated Europe from Ireland to Piedmont and
Spain, had entered into the Treaty — the Protestant German
Princes holding out against it to the last, inasmuch, as by
its terms, the Catholic religion was to be re-established in
the restored places.

The war had been carried on on a scale heretofore un-
known in European annals : France, although contending
against all the great powers of western Europe, had been
mainly successful in her military operations, but had added
3

34 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

nothing to her territory. She had retired from the combat
exhausted as well as her enemies ; and the bleeding coun-
tries she had overrun with her armies, unparalleled in
numbers and equipment, wondered at the feebleness, the
fickleness or the magnanimity that had made the first over-
tures for a peace that was welcomed by all, but which ^as
to be, in effect, only a temporary truce to bloodshed.

THE PEACE OF RYSWICK, 1 697.

The Congress for the treaty or series of treaties that was
to terminate the great European war, which had now lasted
for upwards of nine years, was held at Ryswick, a chateau
near the Hague.

The conferences were opened in May, 1697. Among the
countries represented were Sweden, Austria, France, Spain,
England, Holland, Denmark and the various States of the
German Empire. The treaties were signed, in severalty,
between the different States, except Austria, in September
and October, 1697, and with the Emperor, in November.

The principal features of the treaty were, as between
France and Spain, that, the former country was to deliver
to Spain Barcelona, and other places in Catalonia ; also va-
rious places which France had taken in the Spanish Nether-
lands, during the war, including Luxembourg and its
Duchy, Charleroi, Mons and Courtrai.

Various others were excepted, to be retained by France,
as dependencies of French possessions.

The principal stipulations of the treaty, as between France
and Great Britain, were that France formally recognized
William III. as lawful king of Great Britain, and agreed
not to trouble him in the possession of his dominions, and
not to assist his enemies, directly or indirectly.

This article had particular relation to the partisans of the
exiled Stuart king, then living in France. By another ar-
ticle, all places taken by either country in America, during
the war, were to be relinquished, and the Principality of
Orange and its estates situated in the south of France were
to be restored to William. In the treaty with Holland,

THE THE A TV OF R YS WICK. 3 5

certain possessions in the East Indies were to be restored
to the Dutch East India Company : and important articles
of commerce were appended, among which the principle
was laid down that free ships should make free goods, not
contraband of war.

By the treaty with the Emperor and the German States,
the Treaties' of Westphalia and Nymeguen were recognized
as the basis of the Treaty of Ryswick, with such exceptions
only as were to be provided in the latter treaty. France
also was to give up all territory she had occupied or con-
trolled before or during the war under the name of " re-
unions," outside of Alsace, but the Roman Catholic relig-
ion was to be preserved in Alsace as it then existed.

This concession by France included among other places
Freiburg, Brisach, and Treves ; and certain restitutions were
to be made by France, in favor of Spire, the Electors of
Treves, and Brandenburg and the Palatinate ; also, others
in favor of certain of the smaller German Princes.

The city of Strasburg, in return, was formally ceded to
Francle, the fortifications on the right bank to be raised,
and the important fort of Kehl was yielded to the Empire.

The navigation of the Rhine was to be free to all persons.
The Duke of Lorraine was to be restored to his possessions
with such exceptions as were provided in the treaty.

By the terms of this treaty, a more advantageous peace
was given to Spain than she had any expectation of ; they
gave great satisfaction to the Spaniards, and led them to
regard Louis, not only as a magnanimous monarch, but one
inclined to feelings of a particularly friendly character tow-
ards Spain.

Not only were the places taken in Spain, including the
numerous fortified places in Catalonia yielded up, but also,
with some exceptions, those in the Spanish Netherlands,
and also the important territory of Luxembourg; some
places were even yielded to Spain that France had gained
under former treaties. As Spain was not only enfeebled
but almost helpless, under long continued aggressions and
spoliations by France, this extraordinary generosity, it was
supposed by the politicians of the day, was due to some-

36 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

thing more than friendly feeling on the part of the French
king.

In effect, motives of keen policy underlied these appar-
ently magnanimous acts. The King of France desired to
disunite the allies, and to make alliances for himself with
some of them, particularly Spain, and to prepare the way
by ingratiating himself with the Spaniards, for carrying out
his views for the succession to the Spanish throne, in favor
of a prince of the House of Bourbon; the health of the
King of Spain being such, that, at any day, the question as
to the succession to his throne might arise.

Thus the war of nine years' duration was brought to a
close, without results of a particular character affecting the
status of the States engaged, except that William was rec-
ognized as King of England, and France abandoned most
of her conquests. In spite of these concessions, however,
William for a long time opposed the peace. ; and saw in it
a mere truce, in behalf of France, to gain strength and
repose with a view to further war. The beneficial results
of the war, however, were temporarily, at least, to check
the ambitious career of Louis, in his aim at European do-
minion, to protect the lesser states, whose safety was pro-
moted by the watchfulness and jealousies of the more pow-
erful, and to maintain the equilibrium that was now deemed
a requisite in European politics.

It was evident that Louis considered that France should
have rest, thereby to recruit her strength for a greater
struggle, if any might ensue. She had been made miserable
by the war, and in the midst of the Te Deums of victory
the people were starving; manufactures were neglected,
and the debts of the State were being multiplied. Her
resources had been drained — the war had no real basis —
and sufficient "glory" had been gained. She was making
, herself the enemy of all Europe, and her own people cursed
the victories which only brought new taxes, and raised the
number of recruits who were sent to the frontier to be
made new victims of a war in which they had no interest,
and to the success of which they were indifferent — in fact,
every reason of policy and prudence dictated peace.

CHAPTER V.

Persecution of Protestants in France. — Review of Sectarianism.— Early
Christian Sects, and their Differences. — The Reformation. — Intol-
erance in England. — Henry IV.— Mary. — Elizabeth.— St. Bartholo-
mew's Eve. — James I. and Charles I.— Intoleration in New England.
— The Thirty Years' Religious War.— The Inquisition. — The Edict
of Nantes. — The Protestants after the Death of Henry IV.— Under
Louis XIII. — Suppression, of their Political Power by Richelieu. —
Protestants driven into Exile.^Their Condition under Mazarin.—
Action of Louis XIV. — Edicts from 1651-1659 and 1674. — New Op-
pression. — Conversions. — Barbarous Cruelties. — Letters of Madame
de Maintenon on the King's Holy Zeal. — Glorification of Louis,
as a Reformer. — Formal Revocation of the Edict in 1685. — Exulta-
tion at Court. — Fulsome Panegyric by Bossuet. — Renewed Cruelties.
— Protestants Escape from France. — Persecutions of the Dead. —
National and International Effect of the Revocation.

Mere difference of opinion has ever been a fruitful
source of strife.

Especially have those cherishing religious dogmas enter-
tained feelings of hostility towards those who would not be
convinced.

Even men, wise and humane, will join in a bitter hue and
cry on questions, the truth or falsity of which is not sus-
ceptible of proof, and the truth or falsity of which is of no
real concern to humanity.

There is no injustice so great, no prejudice so bitter, no
hate so lasting, no enmity so unrelenting as that which has
its foundation in sectarian opposition.

No deeds have been so bloody, no persecutions so cruel,
no wars so terrible, as those instigated by differences of
religious credence ; and, it may be said, that no acts have
been more shameful to humanity than those that make the
ecclesiastical history of civilized Europe.

Races, nations and individuals resolved theological ques-
tions by mutual slaughter.

38 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

The Christian dove, surviving the attacks of Paganism,
as it sailed down the tide of centuries, became as a vulture
smeared with gore ; and the blood of Christian sectaries
flowed from wounds, mutually inflicted, as deep as those
ever made by a Nero or a Diocletian. The theological
variation of the numerous sects, even of Christian belief,
that have been and are, astonish, confound and confuse us
—not only those of semi-barbarian periods but among the
enlightened. Looking back, from apostolic time, the
schisms and sects have followed in a continuous and turbid
stream.

The Gnostics with their ceons and demi-urge, the Mani-
chaeans with their dualism and paraclete — the doctrines of
Sabellius with his one essence, balanced by Arius and his
triple division — the doctrine of the " Omoousios " affirmed
as a fundamental truth under Constantine, and the " Omoiou-
siose" upheld under Valens — the " double incarnate nature"
of the Nestorians, maintained as an article of faith by the
Council at Seleucia, and overthrown by the Eutychians, at
the Council of Ephesus — the Pelagians with their innate
goodness of man, condemned as a heresy by the Councils
of Carthage and Ephesus, and upheld, as true doctrine, by
the Council of Diosipolis — Cassian and his followers deny-
ing the necessity of "inward preventing grace," and his
opponents upholding that it was a sine qua non.

The IconolatrcB, or image-worshippers, on one side, and
the Image-breakers on the other, discussing the matter in
blood.

Arminius and his free-will thinkers with one view, and
the Gomarists and Superlapsarians with the opposite : Cal-
vin's grim doctrine of predestination, and Luther's of the
action of .the Will. The great schism of the procession
of the Holy Ghost from the Son, as with the Latin, or
without him, as with the Greek. The theories of Transub-
stantiation, Consubstantiation or Symbolism of the Eucha-
rist, as upheld by this or that sect with fire and axe.

The Divine prerogative of Kings, or the higher preroga-
tive of the Pope ; the Socinians and the Trinitarians — the
broad church and, the narrow church — and the phantasies

RELIGIOUS INTOLERATION. 39

of Swedenborgian, the Self-inspiration of the Quaker, and
the illusions of hundreds of other metaphysical enthu-
siasts.

. The Pagans, when they had the upper hand, slaughtered
Christian and Jew ; the Jews, when they had the power,
persecuted Christians; and the latter, in their turn, at-
tacked Jews — and then persecuted each other. The ortho-
doxy of the moment burned schismatics, and schismatics
heretics.

Ecclesiarch opposed Heresiarch ; and both of them used,
as arguments, steel and fire against each other and their
mutual opponents. The sacredness of human life, all lib-
erty of body and spirit, were put at the mercy of the imag-
inings of the day and hour. The great cardinal virtues
seemed lost in the maniacal excesses of sectarian jealousy;
and the very foundations of religion were sapped by the
spirit that sought to sustain it, as ea:ch sect denounced all
others and claimed the prerogative of thinking for the rest
of the world.

The sixteenth and even the early part of the .seventeenth
centuries witnessed but little diminution of religious intol-
eration, although civilization, in other respects, had made
progress out of the gloom of the dark ages. The violence
and inhumanity that prevailed, during the period of the
Reformation in Germany, are familiar to all who read, and,
even in England, the history of the origin and progress of
the Reformed religion is not more grateful to the Christian
mind. Religion was enlisted, in turn, by king, prelate and
zealot, as an auxiliary to gratify lust, ambition, hate or re-
venge ; and as an instrument to grasp or strengthen politr
ical power. The despotic monarchs, Henry the Eighth,
Mary, Elizabeth, James and Charles — ambitious prelates
like Woolsey and Pole — obsequious tools of tyranny, like
Cromwell under Henry, and Strafford under Charles — arbi-
trary primates, like Cranmer and Laud, and bloody bishops
like Gardiner and Bonner — unseated abbots, unfrocked
priests, deprived curates, and the martyred laity — Romanist
and Protestant, Conformist and Dissenter, Puritan and Ma-
lignant — pass along the tide of History the actors in a great

40 THE HISTORY OF A ORE A T TREA TV.

drama of blood! — The Reformed Prelacy became a mere
part of State machinery of which the Crown was the head :
and any question of spiritual as well as civil supremacy of
king or queen was visited as a felony. Religious opinioji
became not a matter of faith, but of treason or allegiance.
Not only were outward acts criminal, but the conscience was
dragged out and shackled ; for even silence became a crime,
and oaths were applied to test those who maintained their
opinions in secret.

Theretofore dubbed " Defensor EcclesicB," as a faithful son
of Rome, little was required to change the creed of the
vacillating tyrant, Henry VIIL, since upheld by history to
the scorn and contempt of posterity. For the first twenty
years of his reign the Tower was filled with Protestants — for
the next ten, with Papists — and, for the remainder, the Re-
formers bowed beneath the arch of the Bloody Tower.

The horrible incidents of the succeeding reign are fa-
miliar. In the three years of Mary's persecution three
hundred victims perished at the stake.

Archbishop and bishop, priest and layman, lordly prelate
and humble worshipper, men stout of heart and limb, who
cursed the she-devil as they died, and trembling women and
harmless boys— all, alike, yielded their lives at the man-
date of this royal Fury, whose commission for the suppres-
sion of heresy made short work of those who did not bend
to her relentless fanaticism. " Good Queen Bess " used
also to hang people for their religious abstractions, even al-
though unimpeachable in their loyalty. Under the tender
reign of this virgin monarch, the " Duke of Exeter's
daughter " and " the Scavenger's daughter," and the five
other deadly racks, were kept busy in the Tower ; and men
of blameless life were burned for Arian views, or for circu-
lating pamphlets criticizing ecclesiastical courts and cere-
monies. Under this "glorious reign" the Inquisitorial
Court of the High Commission was created ; and arbitrary
conviction and punishment was enforced by compelling an
oath to be taken by parties suspected of so-called heresy.
Meanwhile, over the water, St. Bartholomew was holding
h\s festival — Charles IX. was shooting his Reformed subjects

RELIGIOUS INTOLERATION. 41

from his palace window ; and twenty thousand of them
were butchered into eternity, amid the yells and execra-
tions of their dogmatic fellow-citizens.

When the pedant James, the lauded translator of the
Bible, became King, he illustrated some of its principles in
this wise, when speaking of his Puritan subjects : " I will
make them conform, or I will harry them out of the land, or
else, worse, I will only hang them — that's all." He burned
Edward Wightman and Bartholomew Legate, for upholding
Unitarian ideas. The opinions of the latter, the royal buf-
foon tried to overcome by argument, but, being worsted
therein, issued against his opponent the writ " de h(2retico
combiirendo" which closed the argument at the stake.

Under Charles I., men of high social standing had their
ears cut off at the public pillory: or were branded for what
were called libels on the established discipline of the church
of England.

This Monarch's savage Primate, Laud, was as great a
tyrant over the mind and conscience, as was his master
over the civil rights of his subjects. During this compara-
tively modern reign, the courts of High Commission and
the Star Chamber were used as a standing means of attack
against Puritan ministers : and holy and wise men were
whipped, pilloried and maimed for any question of the
powers of the prelacy. Although the scaffold may be
deemed too severe, there is little lament, now, even from
English minds, as History analyzes and groups the inci-
dents of this disgraceful reign, that Strafford, Laud and
King Charles " the martyr" as he is styled, in sympathy
— all conspirators against the mind and body of the sub-
ject — met with the stern retribution that they did from
the humanity they had outraged and trampled upon.

What wonder is there, amid these persecutions, that those
professing a simple faith, in England, and desiring to be
freed from an oppressive hierarchy, should have turned
their backs upon their ancient home, and sought, in the
wilderness of America, freedom to worship God in peace,
and that liberty of thought and action which has always
been an aspiration of humanity?

42 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Unlike those who settled the Southern American conti-
nent — for this mere liberty of conscience and from no hope
of gain, the Protestant pilgrims abandoned their native
land, battled in frail barks the tempestuous ocean, encoun-
tered famine, and fought, for very existence, with the
forces of nature and a savage foe.

But, it is a strange illustration of human weakness, that
these victims of religious persecution should have, in turn,
sought to shackle conscience and oppose toleration.

The practice and the principles of the Puritan immi-
grants became far from harmonious. The rigid lines of
their established faith were drawn as strictly, and main-
tained, ahnost as ruthlessly, as in the fatherland, and the
governing authority exacted conformity in spiritual mat-
ters, as the condition of civil freedom.

Those who had been branded as heretics stigmatized
others as heretics, for differences on theological abstrac-
tions, and even for non-conformity to church routine.

The persecuted in turn, turned persecutors, and visited
upon others the treatment against which, as an outrage
upon hunian rights, they had solemnly protested — and
maiming, banishment, scourging and the gibbet were the
means used to discipline the church, to prevent religious
vagaries, and to cast out offending Sectarianism.

Toleration was never allowed in Massachusetts until the
declaration of indulgence of James II. established it. It
has been remarked, as a singular feature in the History of
New England theology, that there was no freedom of con-
science and worship there, until it was established by a
tyrant and a bigot, who was a Romanist.

During the great thirty years' religious war in Western
Europe, in the early portion of the seventeenth century,
the enmity between Lutheran and Calvinist equalled their
mutual hatred of the Romanist. Incendiarism, robbery
and slaughter were the only arguments thought of — Re-
ligion was used as a cloak for ambition and rapine: and,
in its name, all Germany was laid waste — " Soldiers," says
a contemporary, " treated men and women as none but the
vilest of mankind would now treat brute beasts. Out-

THE INQUISITION. 43

rages of unspeakable atrocity were committed everywhere
— their flesh pierced with needles or cut to the bone with
saws — others were scalded with boiling water, or hunted
with dogs."

While all this bloody work was going on among the
enlightened Protestants of England and her American Col-
onies, and between the hostile Religionists, in Germany,
the Inquisition, as a great State Tribunal, was busy with
the rack and the stake, in Spain, Italy and Portugal. The
Royal family in those countries respectively, and the dig-
nitaries of the realm, lay and ecclesiastical, felt it a duty
to society, and to God, to sit in state, in the public square,
as the grim procession of helpless victims filed by — clad in
their sheepskin sacks and hideously painted conical caps —
guarded by the Holy brethren and familiars, who raised on
high the cross of salvation in witness of their pious zeal, and
sang pffians to the Heavenly powers, who were supposed to
look down upon the writhing of Jew and Heretic at the
stake, with a peculiar satisfaction.

Thus Sectarianism, calling herself Faith or Zeal, moved
on almost hand in hand with civilization.

She it was that raised the cross on Calvary, lighted the
fagots of Nero, and let loose the tigers of Diocletian — she
held the poison cup to Socrates and chained Luther and
Galileo — she led Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer to their
doom at London, Servetus at Geneva, and Savonarola at
Florence — she persecuted the Lollards in the 15th, and the
Huguenots in the i6th century, hung the witches at Salem,
and the Quakers at Boston, turned all Germany into a
desert and kept alive the fires of the Inquisition.

A new and terrible Chapter was still to be added to the
long history of crime perpetrated in the name of Religion.

After the decease of Henry IV., there became manifest
a disposition in the French government, generally under
Jesuit influence, to curtail the religious liberty and restrict
the political power of the Huguenots — they having had
accorded to them by the Edict of Nantes not only liberty
of conscience and worship, but certain special pohtical
rights, for their protection.

44 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Not only the government became jealous of the increas-
ing numbers and power of the Protestants, but the Roman
Catholic priesthood, from the pulpit, rekindled the ancient
sectarian animosity, and, finally, a continuous series of en-
croachments on their rights, under Louis XIII., drove the
Huguenots of Beam, Guienne and Languedoc into open
resistance, and subsequently those of Normandy, Picardy
and Champagne.

The grand ideas of Richelieu, as Prime Minister, were to
concentrate the power of the Crown and strengthen the
hand of the Church. To both of these Protestantism was
an impediment ; and, therefore, both as minister and priest,
Richelieu was unremitting in his action to diminish the
importance of Protestantism, both as a civil and religious
institution.

After putting down all resistance and driving thousands
into exile from their native land, who flew for freedom and
repose to England, Holland and the new settlements of
America, Protestantism no longer existed in France, except
on the terms of perfect submission to government.

The political rights of Protestantism, under the Edict of
Henry IV., were virtually abrogated ; and its religious
existence was the result, no longer, of solemn compact but
of a frowning tolerance that daily became less inclined to
indulgence.

Under the latter part of the administration of Richelieu,
in the stormy days of the Fronde, and, under Mazarin,
there was comparative rest for the persecuted religionists ;
and they continued to form a large, useful, skilled and
industrious part of the great population of France. But
the clouds of Bigotry were again gathering, soon to burst,
in a manner even more terrible and destructive than in the
memorable days of St. Bartholomew.

During a few years before Louis XIV. took upon himself
the reins of government, (viz. 165 1 to 1659) various edicts
and ordinances were passed, seriously impairing the rights
of Protestants, in their worship. These measures became
more and more intolerant under pressure from the Roman
Catholic hierarchy. Jealous of the progress of an opposing

PERSECUTION OF THE PROTESTANTS. 45

and intrusive religion : and soon a persistent, active, and,
in the end, a most sanguinary State persecution began
against all professing the Reformed faith, contemptuously
termed " heretics."

This religious war against a large, well-behaved and use-
ful class of citizens began, by the court withholding all
places of honor and profit from Protestants, the prohibition
of the holding of their national and provincial synods, the
punishment of Roman Catholic converts to Protestantism,
and the exclusion of Protestants from industrial guilds.

Then came decrees, in 1665 and 1666, allowing Protestant
children to change their religion, in spite of their parents ;
and Churchmen became busy in snatching " heretic " chil-
dren from the "devil." Edicts authorizing priests to go to
the bed-side of dying Protestants, when ill, and prohibiting
the establishment of academies by Protestants, and regu-
lating the forms of the Protestant religion were also passed.

Restrained by the wise and just counsels of Colbert,
Louis refrained, for a time, from further aggression upon
his Protestant subjects. In 1674, however, and down to
the final revocation of the great Edict, the oppression of
the Protestants was resumed and continued in a manner as
politically unwise as it was arbitrary and cruel.

By various new edicts and decrees, children could be
taken from their parents, backsliders were punished with
banishment and confiscation ; Protestants were excluded
from public, functions, Protestant chapels were demolished.
Reformers were excluded from leasing the Crown farms,
mixed marriages were interdicted, troops guilty of barbar-
ous excesses were billeted upon Protestant families, prop-
erty of the churches was confiscated, and pastors banished :
to all this was added the horror of military tribunals and
executions without trial.

Those who sought to leave the country were arrested by
spies and guards ; and terrible penalties were inflicted upon
the fugitives when apprehended.

All these barbarous measures and the supposed conver-
sion of many to the "faith " was considered as adding

46 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

greatly to the glory of the king's reign ; and, indeed, to
place a celestial halo around his head.

In the enthusiasm of his bigoted zeal, and to swell the
number of converts, Louis devoted one-third of his " econ-
omies " to the cause ; many were brought to a supposed
state of conversion through the golden eloquence of six
livres a piece, and the King was as highly extolled for
invading and subduing the kingdom of Satan, as for con-
quests over the Spaniards and the Dutch.

These religious ^triumphs operated as a "placebo," also,
to his majesty's royal conscience for many and flagrant sins :
and the death and ruin of thousands of his subjects inno-
cent of all crime, was the price to be paid for his heavenly
absolution and a needful oblation offered to the King of
Kings !

His religious zeal, in this regard, when flagging, was
stimulated by the expostulations of Madame de Maintenon,
by whose special direction many of the arrests were made,
and by Pfere La Chaise, the adroit and insinuating Jesuit
confessor, and ally of Maintenon ; and, even by the virtuous
Bossuet, all of whom had combined to set up this new
school of religious reform, assisted by the brutal soldiery
directed by Louvois — all banded together in order to obtain
the salvation of the King, the aggrandizement of Rome,
and their own favor at Court, either by the conversion or
destruction of thousands of their fellow-citizens. In 1679
Madame de Maintenon writes: "The King is full of good
sentiments ; he sometimes reads the Scriptures and he
thinks them the best of all books. He recognizes and
avows his weaknesses and faults. We must wait until
Grace reaches him. He thinks seriously of the conversion
of the Heretics, and soon we will set to work at it."

It is instructive to observe the force of the word " we "
in the above letter.

" The King," Madame de Maintenon writes, in August,
1681, "begins to think seriously of his salvation and of
that of his subjects. If God preserves him to us there will
be no longer but one religion in the Kingdom."

This being freely interpretecj meant increasing persecu-

REVOCATION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES. 47

tion, and the complete interdiction of the Reformed
worship.

Troops were let loose afresh, upon the Protestants in
Anjou, Dauphiny, Guienne and Languedoc ; and the Court
boasted of the so-called conversion of hundreds of terrified
Protestants, who were beaten and dragooned and crazed
into a temporary apostacy. " There is not a courier,"
writes Madame de Maintenon, in Sept., 1685, "that does
not bring the King great causes of joy in the news of con-
version, by thousands."

The glorification of Louis, at these spiritual triumphs
over his feeble subjects, was sounded by prelate and cour-
tier : he began to feel that he was at the head of a holy
mission — a crusade to extirpate a great heresy, — and the
entire and formal Revocation of the Edict of Nantes soon
followed — the noblest feature of his grandfather's reign,
which was binding in honor and right on his successors,
and had been trusted in and accepted by all classes of his
subjects.

This outrage was perpetrated under the immediate advice
of Pere La Chaise, and the Minister, Louvois, stimulated by
the bigot, De Maintenon.

Charlotte Elizabeth d'Orleans, wife of the King's brother
and mother of the future Regent, who was behind the
scenes at the French court, in one of her letters to a Ger-
man friend, thus forcibly gives her testimony to these opera-
tions of De Maintenon and the Jesuits.

" Before that old' hag reigned here. Religion in France
was reasonable ; but she destroyed all that, by her absurd
bigotry and foolish devotions ; and when people wished to
be reasonable, the old woman and the Confessor threw them
into prison or exiled them. They are, both of them, the
cause of all the persecutions in France, directed against the
poor Reformers and Lutherans. That long-eared Jesuit
commenced operations in accord with the old hag, and
P"ather Le Tellier carried it on to the end. By their opera-
tions France has been entirely ruined ! "

On October 17, 1685, the Revocation was formally signed
that made this unholy reign pecuHarly infamous — and an

48 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

order followed for the demolition of all the remaining Prot-
estant churches in France. Reformers were prohibited from
leaving the kingdom, under penalty of the galleys for life,
and confiscation of all their property : other terrible orders
followed, and soldiers were given license, by their brutality,
to hasten the making of converts. Torture, imprisonment,
robbery, murder and wholesale slaughter were part of the
machinery employed, to all which the clergy gave their
zealous accord. The Vaudois, who took refuge in Pied-
mont, were butchered, in masses, by the troops of France
and Savoy, and new Paeans went up in praise of the great
King. " Let us pour forth our hearts, in praise of Louis,"
preached the truckling Bossuet, in his panegyric over the
remains of Le Tellier, who drew up the infamous Edict,
" let us lift our acclamations to Heaven, — and let us say
to this new Constantino, — to this new Theodosius — to this
new Marcianus— to this new Charlemagne, ' You have
strengthened the faith — you have exterminated the here-
tics, — this is the meritorious work of your reign — its pecul-
iar characteristic. Through you. Heresy is no more ! ' —
God, alone, could have wrought this great wonder! "

Statues were raised and medals struck to this new Pillar of
the Faith — Poets twanged the fulsome lyre — Litterateurs
and pulpit orators ceased not to exalt his name — and " Te
Deums" pealed throughout the land, echoing those offered
up by direction of the Pope, at Rome, in commemoration
of the great work carried on by this (inaptly styled) " Most
Christian King! "*

After the Revocation, the Government redoubled its
vigor to prevent emigration. Desolation reigned through-
out the persecuted Provinces, revolting cruelties were perpe-

* A medal was struck to commemorate, as a great exploit, the revoca-
tion of the Edict ; the obverse represented a female with a cross in her
hand, and her foot on a prostrate Protestant, with the legend " Heresy
extingtdshed — Edict of October, 1685."

On another, of date 1685, the King is represented as being crowned by
Religion, while he is trampling Protestantism under his feet. The
motto is, " For having brought back to the bosom of the church
2,000,000 Calvinists."

EFFECT OF THE REVOCATION. 49

trated, under the orders of the King and his inhuman min-
ister, by Dragoon and Priest, and new modes of torture
were invented by the Intendants of Provinces, seeking thus
to curry favor at court : pastors re-entering the kingdom
were punished with death — and infants were seized at the
breast. The Bible was burnt by the executioner — gentle-
men of rank and name were sent to the galleys — the heads
of ladies were shaved for singing the Psalms of David in
French — Pastors were broken on the wheel, for not having
abandoned their flocks — old men were dragged to the
Romanish Altars by blaspheming soldiers, who ordered
them to worship their God — those relapsing were thrown
into dungeons — parents were condemned on the charge of
their children, and children were torn from Parents and died
starving or insane — in dungeons or Jesuit colleges and con-
vents. Roman Priests were forced upon the dying, and
those abetting Protestants in their escape were condemned
to death. In ten years' time more than ten thousand per-
sons became the prey of the stake and the gibbet. Under
the accumulation of horrors imposed upon them, French
Protestants rushed from their native land, in spite of spies
and guards. More than 200,000 — some estimate the num-
ber as high as 500,000 — fled into exile, during these twenty
years of oppression, and sought refuge in England, Germany,
Holland and Denmark, where they became useful citizens,
added the wealth of their skilled industry to the States that
sheltered them, and very many turned their arms, in spite
of lingering patriotism, against the tyrant who had op-
pressed them. Large numbers, who remained and adopted,
in form, the Roman Catholic faith, became neither actual
converts nor contented subjects. This hypocritical con-
formity was to many the only refuge from the diabolical
persecution which followed them even on their death-beds
and to the tomb — for this was a part of the Edict of 29
April, 1686 — " Protestants who are sick and refuse \h&viati-
cum, are to be considered and punished as apostates, if they
return to health — the men are to be condemned to the gal-
leys for life, the women to prison, and to the loss of their
property ; in case of death, their goods are to be sold, their
4

so THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

bodies unearthed and thrown into a ditch ! " If a converted
person refused the Sacrament when dying, a review of the
case was held over the remains, and the body was ordered
to be dragged in quick lime so as to be a terror to others."
Through the above emigration, the most useful subjects of
France, and many good soldiers were lost to the State ; and
this extraordinary persecution, unexampled in modern
times, has been considered by all modern historians, of
every faith, as not only a great moral crime, but an extraor-
dinary political blunder. The loss of so many subjects
perceptibly weakened the Kingdom, and made it less pre-
pared for the sanguinary war of the " Spanish Succession "
soon to follow ; and the cruelties practised embittered the
Protestant Princes of Europe against France, and promoted
their alliances to oppose her.

In the meanwhile, remote from this Golgotha of tears
and blood, the festivals, amid the rustic enchantments of
Marly and the gilded halls of Versailles, went on ; and the
jewelled and spangled throng revelled as of yore— the
fiddlers of Lulli played their lively strains — opera and
mask and theatrical display, gay intrigue, piquant satire,
and the lively epigram beguiled the hour — and courtier and
smirking jezebel, and debased sycophant flattered, and
grovelled before the sceptred idol whose fortune was
deemed divine, and the Chimera, called " Glory," hovered
about his sacred head !

A Moloch was stalking about the land demanding sacri-
fices of human blood — but a stern Nemesis — daughter of
Night — the humbler of the proud — the avenger of Crime —
held the sword that was soon to smite the King in all that
was dear — to strike off his crown of glory for one of shame,
and to bring him and his Kingdom to sorrow and humilia-
tion ! ,

Could the future be revealed by such as haunted the
blasted heath, there would have stood before the King
three grim figures— stern ministers of fate, avengers of
innocent blood — men of war, who sought not dominion,
but who felt it a sacred duty to Europe and humanity,
to arrest the reckless course of ambition and bigotry which

THE LIBERATORS OF EUROPE. , 51

was desolating Europe, and paralyzing human progress —
men who never were to sheathe sword until Europe should
breathe free of the Incubus that weighted upon its liberties
and its repose. — These men were William of Orange, Marl-
borough and Prince Eugene.

CHAPTER VI.

The Spanish Succession.— Charles II. of Spain.— His feeble Health. —
Ancient Laws of the Succession. — Claims of the House of Bourbon.
—Marriages of Louis XIII. and of Louis XIV.— Renunciations of the
two French Queens. — Claims of the House of Austria. — Claims of
Bavaria. — Interests of England and Holland in the Succession. —
Claims of Savoy and the Duke of Orleans.

CHARLES II. OF SPAIN.

Charles II., bom in 1661, was only son of Philip IV.,
and the last male of the Spanish branch of the House of
Austria, which was established in Spain through Charles V.

Towards the close of the 17th century, the days of
Charles, although he was still in the prime of life, were
evidently drawing to an end.

His decease had been long anticipated as an event of
deep concern in the politics of Europe ; originally weak of
Constitution and long a prey to disease, his feeble health
made that great political event now imminent.

Charles' life had been one of sadness and calamity ; his
father had died while he was an infant ; his country had
been desolated by numerous wars, involving many serious
disasters and loss of territory — ^and, at last, sunk into a
state of penury and almost helplessness, the Peace of Rys-
wick had given Spain a welcome relief.

The Spanish kingdom, at this time, comprehended not
only the Spanish Peninsula, but Naples, Sicily, the Span-
ish Netherlands, portions of northern Italy, Mexico, Peru,
and various Islands in the Mediterranean and on the Ocean
— a vast dominion for one poor head and feeble body to
control or even supervise. So little was Charles cognizant
of public affairs, that he did not even know of what States
his dominions consisted ; and, it is said, that when Mons

LA WS OF THE SPANISH SUCCESSION. 53

was taken, during the late war with France, the King
inquired in what country it was situated !

Charles had married, in 1679, Marie Louise d'Orleans,
daughter of Philippe, only brother of Louis XIV.; and, in
a second marriage, Maria Anna of Bavaria, Princess of
Neuborg, sister of the Empress ; but there were no children
by either marriage.

LAWS OF THE SPANISH SUCCESSION.

By the ancient custom of Gothic or Christian Spain,
which custom was continued in those parts not subjugated
to Moorish rule, the crown was nominally elective, but, as
is usual where elective systems have existed, a dominant
family became, in time, the apparent heirs to a hereditary
right.

The ancient laws of Spanish succession made no excep-
tion, as against the inheritance of females, either to the
ownership of fiefs or to succession to the crown, in default
of male heirs in a direct line. Consequently, if a monarch
died without sons, or male or female descendants of sons,
the eldest daughter of the deceased monarch succeeded to
the throne ; but any legitimate child of a son of that
monarch would take precedence of such oldest daughter,
whether such child were male or female, the male having
preference. By this principle, females in the direct line
were preferred to males of the more remote line.

These principles of ancient custom were, from time to
time, formulated and enacted into positive laws, and recog-
nized by various proclamations and enactments, from the
thirteenth through the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

They were modified, however, immediately after the
great treaty to be hereafter considered, by Philip V. (the
Bourbon) when firmly established on the throne.

By this modification or change, males of any degree of
remoteness were preferred to females ; in default of which
former, however, a female might succeed.

The above principles of succession, as changed by Philip

THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

v., were again subsequently modified and the ancient
custom of descent fully restored.

This law of succession to the crown of Spain was
opposite to the principle of the so-called law of the Salians,
or " Salic law" which prevailed in France ; by which fe-
males were, in all cases, excluded from inheriting landed
property and also the Crown.

THE CLAIMS OF FRANCE.

At the time the attention of Europe began to be directed
toward the succession to the Spanish thi-one, Louis the
Dauphin of France, the only legitimate son of Louis XIV.,
apart from any obstacles made by certain renunciations
hereafter referred to, was the legitimate heir, through his
mother, according to the rules of pure hereditary descent,
in Spain, which admitted, as is above seen, female descent,
when there was no male representative equally near.

The Dauphin's mother was Maria Theresa, the eldest
daughter of Philip IV., which latter died without male
heirs other than Charles the moribund tenant of the throne.
Maria Theresa, the French Queen, had died in 1683.

The marriage of Louis XIII. must now be referred to.
The marriage of Louis XIII., to Anne of Austria (so called),
who was a daughter of Philip III. and sister of Philip IV.
of Spain, took place in 161 5. This marriage was one of
policy, entered into with a view to promote the alliance
between France and Spain, which had long stood in an
attitude hostile to each other.

By the terms of this marriage, between Louis XIII. and
Anne of Austria, the far-sighted policy of the House of
Austria had provided, in specific terms, against the prob-
ability of the succession of the new French Queen or her
descendants to the Spanish throne: to which under the
principles of Spanish succession she or her descendants
might become entitled. The specific words of the contract,
in this regard, are "That the most Serene Infanta, Donna
Anna, and her children, male or female, or their descend-
ants, in whatever degree, shall not succeed to the king-

TERMS OF THE MARRIAGE CONTRACT. 55

doms, estates and lordships which belong to his Catholic
Majesty."

The provisions of this marriage contract, as to the succes-
sion of Anne of Austria, were afterwards ratified by her, when
she became of age; as also by her husband, Louis XIII.,
the then King of France — and were established by the
Spanish King and Cortes as a law of the Spanish Kingdom.

The contentions of France with Spain under the Haps-
burg dynasty, during the minority of Louis XIV., had
resulted in extending the limits of French power on all
sides — and, finally, found, apparently, a peaceful result by
the treaty of the Pyrenees and by the marriage, in June,
1660, of Louis XIV. with the daughter of the King of
Spain, Maria Theresa, of Austria.

In the contract of marriage between Louis XIV. and
Maria Theresa, in November, 1659, it was recited that the
marriage was not only made, for special reasons of peace
and fraternity, between the two nations, but also for " that
which concerns the public good and for the preservation of
the two Crowns, which, being so great and powerful, they can-
not be consolidated into one ; and that hereafterward, all
occasions for such a junction are to be avoided."

It was, thereupon, stipulated that " Maria Theresa, her
children male or female and their descendants, in any degree,
should be absolutely and for all time precluded from succession
to the Spanish Crown or any of its dominions, within or with-
out the Kingdom of Spain, notwithstanding all laws, disposi-
tions or customs to the contrary."

It was also stipulated, however, that if Maria Theresa
were to become a widow, without children of the marriage,
the exclusion against her of succession to the throne of
Spain was not to take effect. To these renunciations of
Maria Theresa and to the stipulations of the treaty, Louis
had given, not only his assent, but had, in writing ratifying
the treaty, made a solemn oath, with this invocation :
" On our honor, our faith and the word of a king, we swear,
on the cross, on the holy Evangelists, and the Sacrifices of the
Mass, which we have touched, that we will observe and carry
out, entirely, in good faith, all and each of the points and

S6 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

articles contained in this treaty of peace, reconciliation and
friendship." A formal renunciation of all the rights of
Maria Theresa and that of her children to the Crown of
Spain, agreeably to the terms of the contract, was after-
wards made, under her own signature, by that Queen, stated
to be, in the act, " by her own motion and free, spontaneous
and thereunto disposed will."

This act was signed by Maria Theresa, in the presence of
her father and his court, at Fontarabia, on the Spanish
border, on the 2d of June, 1660, as she was proceeding to
France to be received as the wife of Louis XIV.

" In espousing the Infanta," wrote Mazarin to the French
Minister at Munster, blandly taking a distant prospect of
possibilities, "we may look forward to the succession to
the Spanish throne, whatever renunciations they may cause
the Infanta to make, and it will not be far off, since there
is only the life of the prince, her brother, in the way."

It was evident, in spite of the above two renunciations
by the two Queens of France, that, from the time of the
marriage of Louis XIV. with the Infanta, France looked
upon Spain with an eager eye, as the old line descended
from Charles V. gave evidence of its extinction, at no dis-
tant period.

In the will of Philip IV., who died in 1665, he, in express
terms, recites the renunciations of his sister, Anne of Aus-
tria, and of his daughter, Maria Theresa, and the descend-
ants of either, to all claim upon the Spanish Crown. The
understanding of the Spanish court upon the subject was,
therefore, clear.

The terms of the contract of marriage, excluding Maria
Theresa from the Spanish succession, were not, it appears
from documents almost contemporaneous, regarded by the
French diplomatists as strict obligations ; particularly in
view of the fact that the dowry of 500,000 crowns stipulated
in the contract to be paid by Spain within 18 months was
not paid. This, it was diplomatically alleged, left the door
open to France to repudiate, if she chose, the other part of
the treaty obligation ; that is, the renunciation of all right

VIEWS OF FRANCE REGARDING THE CONTRACT. 57

to the Spanish Crown by Maria Theresa, for herself and her
children.

Such, at least, was subsequently the construction assumed,
under the- French view : and, indeed, it was supposed, that
the omission to exact the dowry was intentional, so as to
leave the question of succession open so far as the French
were concerned ; the dowry being treated as a quid pro quo
for the renunciation.

Besides this view, that the claims of the French line were
not cut off, for the reason that the dowry or quasi consider-
ation of the renunciation had never been paid, another
reason urged by French statesmen, was, that neither Maria
Theresa, nor even the King of France, himself, had the in-
herent power, by any contract, renunciation or treaty, to
bind children yet unborn, and cut off the legitimate succes-
sion to the Spanish kingdom, according to its laws.

At any rate, it was considered that any renunciation was
revocable, particularly where the parties interested should
all consent.

Therefore, it was argued, that, if the French King, the
Dauphin, the Spanish King, and the Spanish people, for
whose particular benefit the compact was made, all chose
to revoke the contract, the outside powers had no valid
ground of complaint.

These were the views that the statesmen of France enter-
tained, on this important matter. Another view Was that
the renunciation of Anne of Austria had been presented to
the Estates of Castile and Aragon and ratified by them ;
that of Maria Theresa had not been ratified by those
Estates ; and this was also one of the reasons subsequently
advanced by casuists and jurisconsults, in deciding that the
descendants of Maria Theresa were the legitimate heirs of
the Crown of Spain. The minority of Maria Theresa, when
the renunciation was signed, was also urged.

The feeble condition of the young Spanish King,- and the
probability of his speedy decease, without descendants,
caused grave apprehension at the French Court, in view of
the claim that had long been advanced by the House of
Austria to succeed to the Spanish Crown. A permanent

58 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TKEA Ti'.

alliance or concord between France and Spain, in view of
their contiguity, was desirable, it was urged, not only for
France, but for both countries : the sympathy of Latin races,
somewhat of a common origin, and similarity of tastes and
language in many respects, made such an alliance or union
natural.

France desired a permanent ally on her southern frontier,
both for protection and for commercial or economic reasons ;
and it would be impossible for her political relations with
Spain to be ever amicable so long as the House of Haps-
burg was at the head of the Spanish nation.

An Austrian or German control of the region South of
her was a political disadvantage, particularly, as to the
North East and South East the Spanish possessions in
Flanders and in Italy-were a continual source of menace.

The Crowns of Austria and France had been in almost
continual hostility since the unity of the domains of the
Emperor with those of Spain, the presence of the House
of Hapsburg in Spain was always an irritation, and recent
wars had embittered the unfriendly feeling. During the
war of Philip H. against the United Provinces, France had
opposed the Germano-Spanish power ; France had taken
the side of the German Protestant Princes against the Em-
peror, during the 30 years' war; and, under Louis XHI.
and Louis XIV., war with Spain had been continuous.

A possible unification of the Austrian and Spanish crowns,
therefore, would doubtless result, it was supposed, in a per-
petual contest ; and France, again, might be humbled by a
power as colossal as that under which Francis I. had suc-
cumbed, when Charles V. held the united power of both
Germany and Spain. Consequently, another such union of
the crowns was deemed by France full of peril to her
and a menace to the public peace.

The same principles would apply, however, in the eyes of
the other nationalities, against the assumption of France to
place a representative of the reigning Bourbon family on
the Spanish throne. The House of Bourbon controlling the
power of the two crowns of France and Spain might be as
perilous to the other States as the possession of the double

CLAIMS OF AUSTRIA AND BA VARIA. 59

crown by Austria. In either case, the disturbance of the
political balance would be a subject of apprehension by
them.

But the general feeling in Europe, was in opposition to
the extension of the rule of the Bourbons ; particularly, in
view of the fact, that the Emperor was always under the
control of the German principalities, to whom he owed his
elevation and his power ; and by whom, in case of undue
aggression, he might be restrained.

THE CLAIMS OF AUSTRIA.

The claims of Austria to the succession of the Spanish
crown were based upon the marriage of Maria Ann of Aus-
tria, second daughter of Philip III. of Spain, with the Em-
peror Ferdinand III. ; Maria Ann by this marriage became
mother of the Emperor Leopold I. ; and, in view of the
renunciations before referred to by the two French Queens,
the Emperor Leopold I. asserted that he was the lawful heir
to the Spanish crown, in virtue of the rights of his mother.
By his second marriage^ with Eleanor of Neubourg, daughter
of the Elector Palatine, the Emperor had two sons, Joseph
and Charles ; the younger of whom he destined for the
crown of Spain.

THE CLAIM OF BAVARIA.

Another claimant to the Spanish succession was the
House of Bavaria, whose claims were stronger than those
of Austria.

This claim arose through the marriage of Margaret — a
daughter of Philip IV. of Spain and a younger sister of
Maria Theresa, the Queen of France. The former had mar-
ried the Emperor Leopold by his first marriage, and their
daughter of that marriage, Mary Antoinette, was married
to the Elector Joseph of Bavaria ; and their son, the Prince
Elector, was, therefore, a presumptive heir to the crown of
Spain.

The claim of the infant Electoral Prince of Bavaria,

6o THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

through his mother, the Electress, although superior to
that of Austria, was not favored by his grandfather, the
Emperor, who preferred the claims of the House of Austria,
so as to be able to control the Spanish dominions for that
house.

The claims of the Electress of Bavaria were fortified by
the fact that she and her descendants had been designated
as heirs to the Spanish crown, by the late King.

Philip IV., by his will, recites that, inasmuch as his
daughter, Maria Theresa, the Queen of France, had re-
nounced all right to the crown of Spain, he therefore
appointed the Infanta Margaret, his second daughter,
and her descendants heirs of his dominions, if his son
Charles died without descendants.

The Emperor, as has been stated, was married to Mar-
garet as his first wife, and their daughter married the
Elector of Bavaria.

On the marriage of this daughter, however, the Emperor
compelled her to renounce the throne of Spain, on condi-
tion that the Elector should have the Spanish Netherlands,
in case the King of Spain died childless.

The infant Electoral Prince was a candidate whose suc-
cession would induce no disturbance, and create no jeal-
ousies ; and it was the opinion of thoughtful and wise men
that the succession, in the interests of all Europe, should
pass to him,

INTERESTS OF OTHER NATIONS IN THE SUCCESSION.

The interests of other European States in the Spanish
succession, although not apparently immediate, were still
neither remote nor unimportant.

The preponderance of power, as has been above remarked,
which would result in the unification of the Crown of Spain
with that either of France or Austria, would, in itself, not
only impair the influence but would threaten the indepen-
dence of the other States.

Especially obnoxious to the States of England and Hol-
land was the prospect of a French king upon the Spanish

OTHER CLAIMANTS TO THE SUCCESSION. 6 1

throne. These States had long found an extensive market
in Spain, for their manufactured goods, which French inter-
ference might disturb. England's existing commercial
relations with Spain and its Indian Colonies would be
probably materially changed to the disadvantage of the
former nation, if a Bourbon prince were selected, and her
position as the first naval power of the world would be lost,
if opposed by a united Spanish and French marine, which
might close the Mediterranean to England, and restrict her
commerce everywhere.

Holland, also, was interested against the Franco-Spanish
scheme, for the Spanish Netherlands were now a barrier to
her against French aggression, although many strong forti-
fied towns were, under the treaty of Aix la Chapelle (in
1668), and of Nymeguen (in 1678), still in the hands of
France ; the present barrier, however, it was of vital inter-
est for Holland to have maintained.

National feeling was also strong against France, for her
wars waged ruthlessly with Holland, which had, at times,
humiliated and impoverished her ; and the efforts of France
to make encroachment in the Low countries had been con-
tinuous, and always menacing to Dutch independence.

CLAIMS OF THE HOUSE OF SAVOY AND OF ORLEANS.

A more remote claimant to the Spanish succession was
the House of Savoy.

This claim or pretension arose through the marriage of
Carl Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, with Catherine, a sister of
Philip in. of Spain and daughter of Philip II. Another
pretender to the succession was Philip the Duke of Orleans,
brother of Louis XIV., and younger son of Anne of Austria,
who was the oldest daughter of Philip III. : his claim, how-
ever, was subject to so numerous contingencies as not to be
seriously considered.

To illustrate the serious aspect in which was viewed the
possible succession of a French Prince to the Spanish
throne, the words of Fenelon, abstracted from his essay
" On the Balance of Power," may be aptly quoted. He

6^ THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Speaks of the supposed case of Charles' decease, and in-
stances it as such a case of disturbance of the balance of
power as to warrant European interference. "We in
France have now in view a possible event, when the truth
of what we have advanced will be apparent. It is, if the
King of Spain should happen to die, without issue : I sup-
pose the renunciation of the Queens to have been void, and
that, consequently, we have a certain right to the succes-
sion to Spain. When once we shall have become masters
of Spain, we shall, by consequence, have Portugal in our
power : all Italy will become a Province of our Kingdom,
through Naples and Milan ; we shall be absolutely masters
of the Mediterranean, by Cadiz and the other ports of Spain ;
by Fayal, Gayetta, etc. We shall have the key of Holland
and ruin their Commerce, by Antwerp. Holland being sub-
dued, without resistance, we shall become masters of the
Channel, and all the Commerce of Germany and the north-
ern ports. Nothing would hinder us, during some Turkish
war, from subduing Germany itself. England would be
exposed, with vastly inferior force, to our descents, and
durst not withstand us. We should be the tyrants of all
Europe. All Europe has, therefore, a right to concur in
excluding us from this succession ; at the same time, that
we are entitled to it, by written laws."

CHAPTER VII.

Treaties for the Dismemberment of Spain, on the anticipated Decease of
Charles I. of Spain. — Secret Treaty of 1668 ; between the Emperor
and France. — Prior Intrigues of Louis in Spain. — First Treaty of Par-
tition between France, England and Holland, 1698. — Second Treaty
of Partition, between the same Powers, 1700. — Policy of the above
Treaties. — Feeling in England as to these Treaties. — Protests of
Spain. — Action of the Emperor. — Intrigues of the Emperor to nego-
tiate with France for the Dismemberment of the Spanish Dominions.
— Doubts as to the Sincerity of Louis in making the Treaties of Par-
tition.

THE TREATIES FOR THE DISMEMBERMENT OF SPAIN.

Louis XIV.'s attempts at the aggrandizement of France,
to the detriment of neighboring States, had heretofore met
with determined opposition.

Various leagues and combinations to oppose him have
been in former pages adverted to, in all which the Emperor
was the most prominent actor.

As early as the year 1667, while Charles was almost an
infant, Louis began to entertain ideas for the aggrandize-
ment of France, by the dismemberpient of the Spanish do-
minions ; and, singularly enough, his sole coadjutor, at this
time, was the Emperor. Subsequent war quite abrogated
this compact.

This extraordinary treaty of division of the estates of
Spain, made between Louis XIV. and the Emperor, was set
afoot in January, 1667, and signed in January, 1668, and was,
by its terms, to be kept in great secrecy and concealment.

The main features of the Treaty provided for the divis-
ion of the Spanish Dominions, on the decease of Charles II.
without heirs ; so that Spain and its possessions in Italy
and the Mediterranean should be the portion of the Em-
pire, also the Indies, Milan and other designated places :
and the Spanish Netherlands, Navarre, Naples, Sicily and

64 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

certain other ports and places should belong to France.
The execution of this treaty was a matter of great exulta-
tion to Louis and his ministers.

Even prior to this compact, as early as June, 1661, Louis
had sent to his Ambassador in Spain instructions to. use all
efforts to procure the annulment of the renunciation of
Maria Theresa and her descendants before referred to, and
to have a declaration made by the then King of Spain,
Philip IV., that the Queen of France and her children were
qualified to have succession to the throne of Spain.

These efforts were to be made, in spite of the fact, that,
on the Isle of Faisans near the Spanish frontier, where
Louis received the Infanta as his bride, on the 6th of June,
1660, he had taken the solemn oath before referred to, to
keep his treaty with Spain, and to observe the act of renun-
ciation made by his wife, Maria Theresa.

These efforts of Louis, which lasted a year and a half,
were ineffectual to move the Spanish court. They indicate,
however, that the Spanish succession for a Bourbon, was
long a subject of the thoughts and ambition of the French
king ; and that the Policy subsequently adopted in this re-
gard, was not one suddenly conceived, nor one which was
the mere result of new conditions.

The Peace of Ryswick, in 1697, terminated the war of
nine years, but did not put a stop to the views of the
French King, as to Spain. He retained his army and navy
on a war footing ; and, while still preparing for the emer-
gency of war, and still concealing his views as to the suc-
cession, entered into a treaty for the dismemberment of
Spain, which was made on the ilth October, 1698, after
prolonged and complicated negotiations; the Earl of Port-
land representing William III. at the French Court, and
the Count De Tallard conducting the negotiations at Lon-
don, in behalf of Louis. The parties to this extraordinary
Treaty of Partition were France, Great Britain and Holland.

THE TREATIES OF PARTITION. 65

THE FIRST TREATY OF PARTITION.

By its terms, on the decease of Charles, without issue,
the Electoral Prince of Bavaria was to succeed to the Span-
ish Peninsula, the Low Countries, and the Spanish Indian
possessions : the Dauphin was to have the Kingdoms of
Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, part of Tuscany, and certain terri-
tories near the Pyrenees ; and the Archduke Charles was to
be content with the Duchy of Milan.

The theory of the treaty was, that, as the death of the
king of Spain, at any moment, might cause great confusion
and a general war, it was desirable that the European Pow-
ers should unite to prevent it, by making a satisfactory
arrangement for the government of the various countries of
the Spanish dominions, and that the Treaty would be a sub-
stantial foundation for the public repose.

This treaty was also to be kept secret, but its contents
leaked out, and caused great indignation in Spain. The
Protest against it issued by the Spanish Ambassador at
London directed to the " Lords Justices of England," quite
ignoring the Parliament, was considered so insolent and
seditious in its character that the Ambassador was ordered,
immediately, to leave England.

THE SECOND TREATY OF PARTITION.

The decease of the infant Electoral Prince of Bavaria on
February 8, 1699, rendered abortive this compact of 1698 ;
and, in March, negotiations for a new compact were entered
into ; whereby the Archduke Charles was to succeed to the
portion allotted to the late Electoral Prince of Bavaria ;
and the Dauphin was to have, as an addition, Lorraine and
Bar ; in exchange for which, the House of Lorraine was to
have the Duchy of Milan.

The treaty further contained the sweeping proviso that
the sovereignty of Spain and its Indian possessions should
never appertain to any prince who should be, at the same time,
EiHperor or King of the Romans, or either King or Dauphin
of France. This treaty was signed in May, 1700, at London,
and at the Hague.
S

66 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Notwithstanding the above treaties, the disposition of
the other European Princes, and their views as to the suc-
cession, were continuously and adroitly sounded by French
diplomacy.

William III., it was well known, carried to the English
throne all his Dutch antipathy to France and its attempts
at aggrandizement, by the absorption of other States : and
even when busy with the complications of the new English
settlement, was active in foreign politics.

EFFECT OF THE TREATIES OF PARTITION.

The above treaties of Partition, were probably entered
into by William, because, by them, either a representative
of the House of Bavaria or of Austria was to be placed, as
ruler, over the Spanish Peninsula and the Netherlands,
and act as a barrier for Holland ; and the policy of prevent-
ing a unification of the Spanish and French crowns was, to
him, a policy paramount to all other considerations.

The making of the Treaty, however, by him, without a
full communication to Parliament on the subject, caused
great excitement in that body ; it was denounced, there, as
a piece of highway robbery and a felony, and the impeach-
ment of ministers was threatened. The Commons, in fact,
impeached the Earls of Portland and Orford, and Lords
Somers and Halifax, for their part in the Treaty, but the
proceedings were not continued to any definite conclusion
in the Commons ; and the Lords, thereupon, took advan-
tage of the delay, and pronounced the acquittal of the
Peers.

The general public feeling, as regards this Treaty, in
England, wa^, that William had been outwitted by Louis,
who never had intended to carry it out ; and, even if he
had, its terms, it was considered, would have operated much
to the aggrandizement of France.

The House of Lords, some time after, declared in an
address to the king, " That having read the Treaty of Parti-
tion of the 2 1 St February and 3d March, 1700, they to their
great sorrow, feared it would be of ill consequence, and

PROTESTS OF SPAIN: 67

might have been greater, if it had taken effect ; therefore
they humbly beseeched his Majesty, that, for the future,
he would rely on the counsels of his natural born subjects ;
and not trust to foreigners, who could not be so well quali-
fied to advise him ; and, as to the King of France, they
advised his Majesty to be more cautious of him for the
future, since he- had so manifestly violated his engage-
ments."

The fact of the making of the second Treaty of division
was openly and formally communicated by Holland, Eng-
land and France to the kings, princes and States of Europe,
asking them to take part in it.

The French Ambassador at Madrid, also (on 9th Sept.,
1700), communicated the fact to the Court of Spain : at the
same time, warning that Court, that France would oppose
the receiving of any of the troops of the Emperor, in any
part of the Spanish dominions, where, it was alleged, they
were gathering ; and that orders had been given to remove
them.

The King of Spain, through his Ambassador at London,
made strong protest against this Treaty " as a thing unex-
ampled among nations ; " and alleged that it was " sub-
versive of all National right and independence, and tended
to make discord and disorder in the Kingdom," and
testified " to the resentment and grief of a sovereign King
at such a course against him, by friendly powers."

A similar protest was made by the Spanish Ambassador
at the Hague.

The Emperor was given three months by the parties to
the treaty to signify his adhesion or assent to it.

He postponed his answer until the i8th August, when he
made a verbal statement, through his ambassadors, to the
effect," that the Emperor considered it improper, at that
time, while the King of Spain was living, to enter into any
such arrangements, and that, in case the King of Spain died
childless, the Emperor believed he had, alone,, the right of
succession to all the Spanish dominions ; and that, in
default of the Austrian line, the Duke of Savoy would
succeed to that right, agreeably to the will of Philip IV."

68 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Before the Emperor gave his final answer, the Austrian
ministry had vainly endeavored by negotiations with
Villars, the French Ambassador at Vienna, to induce Louis
to abandon the Treaty of Partition, to utterly ignore Hol-
land and England, and to divide the Spanish dominions
between the houses of Hapsburg and Bourbon.

"Do you not see," said the two Austrian ministers of
State to Villars, " that the interest both of God and of our
masters requires that the King and the Emperor should be
united ? And what a power France would control over the
two other powers (England and Holland) : which, after hav-
ing been allied with the Emperor, now so directly and openly
are acting in opposition to him ? You must expect them
to act in the same way towards France on the first oppor-
tunity they have. However feeble is the health of the King
of Spain that of William is worse, and the former will out-
live him. In that case your King will have the glory of
re-establishing the old religion and the true King of England
in his dominions. We can make a secret treaty about all
this and appear to enter into the Partition Treaty with you ;
and so soon as the King of Spain is dead we can each take
the part that is most suitable for the King and the Emperor
respectively. You must agree, at any rate, that our two
countries are the masters of the situation."

It was fortunate for England that this wholesale proposi-
tion for the dismemberment of Spain was not carried out.
It might have changed the succession in the former country
as well as in the latter.

The King of France gave a deaf ear to all these propos-
als, however, suspecting in them a trick of the Emperor
to disunite him from England and Holland and to break up
the Partition Treaty.

The Emperor's negotiations to break up the Treaty of
Partition having failed, he put in the verbal protest against
it, as above stated.

Few of the other powers of Europe gave assent to the
Treaty, and none of the great powers of the North. They
preferred to wait the course of events, at this critical period
of European politics.

APPREHENSIONS OF ENGLAND. 69

This second Treaty of division caused equal irritation in
the Courts of Madrid and Vienna. The Emperor, although
he was to have the lion's share, complained particularly that
Italy was to be taken from the House of Austria, and pro-
tested, in form, to all the Powers. It is probable, in view
of subsequent events, that Louis entered into these treaties
with no fixed idea of keeping them.

Pending the negotiations for them, and subsequent to
their execution, his intrigues in Spain to have the succession
to all the dominions of the Spanish Crown secured to the
House of Bourbon, were incessant and active. The favor
with which French interests were regarded in Spain and the
intrigues of the French Ambassador there, narrated in suc-
ceeding chapters, caused apprehension in the minds of
William and his ministers, that the King of France, should
a will.be made by the King of Spain designating a Bourbon
as his successor, would not adhere to the Treaty of Parti-
tion, but would seize the entire Spanish dominions for his
own House. These apprehensions continued, in spite of a
diplomatic denial, on the part of the French ministers, that
any such course would be adopted.

The intrigues of the French minister at Madrid will now
be adverted to, as well as the efforts of the Emperor to
counteract them.

CHAPTER VIII.

Beginning of Intrigues at the Spanish Court. — Condition of Charles. —
Policy of the Queen Mother. — The two Wives of Charles II. — Sus-
picion of Poison. — The Policy of the Queen Consort. — Sides taken
by the Spanish Court Officials. — Cardinal Portocarrero. — The Grand
Inquisitor and the Confessors. — The King's Physicians. — Incertitude
of Charles. — Death of the Queen Mother. — French Diplomacy. —
The Marquis d'Harcourt. — His Instructions from the French Court.
— His Intrigues and Munificence. — Gradual Change of feeling tow-
ards France. — The Count Harrach, the Emperor's Ambassador. —
The Countess Berlips. — Harrach's Instructions. — Feeling in Spain.
— Harrach's Efforts. — D'Harcourt's State Entry into Madrid.

BEGINNING OF INTRIGUES.

For a period of twelve years before the decease of Charles
II., of Spain, his court was a busy scene of quarrel and in-
trigue — and even of crime. The Spanish King, whose de-
cease was looked forward to with such interest, was a man
of retiring habits, with no kingly qualities. His head was
bent forward — his expression downcast — his body feeble
and thin — his legs rickety, and his mind sluggish — all in-
dicated degeneracy of race.* His natural disposition, mel-
ancholy and timid, was aggravated by continuous and dan-
gerous maladies, which sometimes made him choleric and
rash in action. He had passed most of his life in a state of
ignorance and apathy, and was indisposed to all exertion.
He hated his surroundings of royal state ; and, in fact, he

* It is related of Charles II., that, at his birth, he was placed in a box
of cotton, being so little and so delicate that the nurses could not venture
to swaddle him. A contemporaneous diplomatist also thus informs us in a
letter to Hon. Alex. Stanhope ; " Charles has a ravenous stomach and
swallows all he eats, whole ; for his nether jaw stands so much out that
his two rows of teeth cannot meet ; to compensate which, he has a pro-
digious wide throat, so that a gizzard or liver of a hen passes down
whole ; which his wedk stomach is not able to digest."

POLICY OF THE QUEEN CONSORT. 71

hated the world — especially as seen in courts. His knowl-
edge of State affairs was slight, and his aversion to all pub-
lic duties was extreme, and caused him to be governed and
influenced by those by whom he was surrounded and who
would take from him the cares of State. In the earlier part
of his reign, his mother, a sister of the Emperor Leopold, and
Regent of the Kingdom, had exercised a supreme influence
over him. After the decease of the Queen mother, his min-
isters took control of affairs, and subsequently his second
wife, a sister of the Empress, had entire influence over him,
and indirectly governed the Nation. She removed from
the court those she could not control ; her favorites and
■ confederates filled all places of dignity and power ; and all
her and their influence was, at first, directed in support of
the interests of the House of Austria.

The first wife of Charles H. was a niece of Louis XIV.,
and consequently inclined toward France.

Such was the acerbity, in those days, of political opposi-
tion, such, perhaps, the length to which ambition, in high
places, could go, that it was charged, that the young French
consort of the king had been poisoned, either through the
sufferance, or by the instrumentality of the Ambassador of
the Emperor. The party directly engaged in this was
alleged to be the Countess of Soissons, then dwelling at the
Spanish Court — a niece of Mazarin, one of^ the Mancinis,
and the mother of the thereafter celebrated Prince Eugene.
She had been banished from the French Court ; and the
action above alluded to was supposed to be in the interest
of Austria. It has been observed, however, that, in those
days, whenever a Royal personage died suddenly, poison
was always suspected.

The Queen mother, the Count of Oropesa, formerly Prime
Minister, and many prominent members of the cabinet sup-
ported the claims of the Electoral Prince of Bavaria.

With the Queen consort, supporting the claims of Aus-
tria, were Melgar, the Admiral of Castile, virtually Prime
Minister, and also, at first, Cardinal Portocarrero, Arch-
bishop of Toledo, a master of political priestcraft, and the
intriguing Camarera mayor, the Countess Berlips, and also,

72 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

subsequently, the Count Oropesa, and many of the gran-
dees and office-holders.

For the French side few of the nobles and ministers man-
ifested themselves ; but a change was, in a short time, per-
ceptible.

There also figured on the scene of these famous intrigues,
the Secretary of the Cardinal, all the nobility and their
wives, the Pope's Nuncio, the Grand Inquisitor, the Queen's
confessor. Father Gabriel Chiusa, a German Capuchin, the
king's former arid his subsequent confessor, and even the
king's two physicians, who often gave advice, ostensibly for
the king's health, but really, from the political reasons that
the Queen should not be with him during his occasional
journeys, for relief and repose, to Toledo. The king, easy
to persuade, was alternately influenced by his wife and his
mother, which latter, until her decease, continued to favor
the interests of the Electoral Prince of Bavaria.

In 1696, the intrigues of the Queen mother in support of
the young Prince of Bavaria, had caused Charles to make a
will, in secret, in favor of that Prince. The Queen mother
having died in May, 1696, the Queen consort, favoring the
side of the Emperor, and assisted by the Austrian Ambas-
sador, prevailed upon the king to destroy the will, and to
promise to select one of the sons of the Emperor. The
Austrian party seemed now to have the ascendency, and
those who formerly advocated the claims of the Electoral
Prince, to a great extent, joined the party of the Emperor.

The various intrigues ensuing at the Spanish court, by
the representatives of the Court of France and the Empire,
with the intention to secure the succession in favor of their
respective sovereigns, form a remarkable and interesting
chapter in diplomatic history.

To represent the French king, amid the difficulties sur-
rounding the question of the "Succession," the Marquis,
subsequently the Duke d'Harcourt, was selected, as pecul-
iarly fitted for the dehcate mission. He was a man of
ancient lineage, he had served, with great distinction, in
Flanders under Turenne, and had a positive genius for
diplomacy: courteous in manners, keen of perception,

THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR'S INSTRUCTIONS. 73

fertile in resources, and rapid in judgment, he had also a
great experience of mankind, and above all, a reputation
for honor and probity, that placed him high in the esteem
of his own court, and gave him the confidence of all.

The Marquis d'Harcourt's instructions were most mi-
nute ; as regarded, not only the main object of his mis-
sion, but as to his modes of action, including his deport-
ment and demeanor — all showing that his mission and its
smallest details had been the subject of deep consideration
at the French Court. He was told to impress the Span-
iards with reliance and trust in his actions and word, so as
to gain their respect and confidence, in order that he might
more thoroughly sound their sentiments, and ascertain the
views, not only of the court, but of the Nation, and pene-
trate into the thoughts and predilections of the leading men
of the kingdom.

He was particularly to watch the minister of the German
Empire, and counteract his plans. He was to endeavor to
divert the mind of Charles from his prejudices against the
French — prejudices which had been particularly instilled
into him by the Queen mother and by his own Queen. He
was to ascertain if there were a party forming in the interests
of France, and, if so, to promote its growth, and take special
pains to make the Spaniards understand that misfortunes
innumerable to them would result if they came under the
rule of the Emperor — while under the reign of a French
Prince, they would have repose and prosperity.

He was, further, to conciliate all classes of Spaniards,
and ingratiate himself particularly with the grandees, and
to be assiduous in his attentions to the Queen, in order to
make her moderate her views towards France. His first
despatch is dated 23d December, 1697 — soon after his
arrival. The Marquis, at first, was coldly received. He,
first, was only allowed to see the King in a darkened cham-
ber, for fear that the moribund condition of the poor mon-
arch might be too apparent ; and he was several months in
Madrid before he could obtain his official audience : the
Austrian party, also, was so influential that all the Nobility
stood aloof from him. D'Harcourt, however, in spite of

74 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

his cold reception, immediately set to work to ingratiate
himself and promote French interests with the grandees
and people of Spain. His munificence and largesses at
Madrid were unexampled ; and his subsequent public entry
into that capital was one of royal state. He entertained
sumptuously, not only the great men, but influential per-
sons of all degrees, and his palace was a place of continual
festivity. Banquets were daily spread for persons of con-
sequence, and fountains of wine and chocolate often ran
freely for the lower orders, before his palace. The Marquis
was also generous in his donations and largesses to needy
persons among the ecclesiastics and others, and even paid
the judgments of those who were confined in prison for
debt. His house and his purse seemed open to all claims-
and he gave with a bounteous hand, in the name of his
magnificent master. His officers and servants were also
instructed to be conciliating and deferential to all ; in order
to draw towards France the good-will of the people, and
create ^. prestige in favor of all that was French, and to en-
deavor to form an agreeable contrast with the somewhat
rude and discourteous Germans.

The liberality, courtesy and magnificence of the French
ambassador were, as was shrewdly intended, not without
their effect ; and proved valuable diplomatic auxiliaries.
They not only flattered the Spanish mind but gratified'and
relieved its tastes, forming as they did, a strong and gay
contrast with the grim forms, dull routine and parsimony
that characterized the Austro-Spanish state.

In a very short time, a feeling in favor of France became
manifest ; and cheers for France, the King of France, and
for the Ambassador greeted D'Harcourt on his drives.
Many of the high nobility, seeing which way the wind was
blowing, began to curry favor with the French diplomatic
Court, and plainly indicated their views as to the probability
of a succession in favor of a Bourbon.

The Emperor had sent, even before the Peace of Ryswick,
as his representative and chief agent in this important af-
fair, an old-fashioned formalized diplomatist, the Count Von
Harrach. The Count was well advanced in years, and seems

THE AUSTRIAN AMBASSADOR. 75

to liave been too ingenuous and too dull for a mission that
required an unusual amount of penetration, activity and
sagacity to deal successfully with the mysteries and in-
trigues of combined French and Spanish diplomacy. The
Count's instructions were, to ascertain the feeling of the
Spanish court and people, to watch the French agents, and
to do everything that was to be done in aid of the Aus-
trian interests.

The Count, although he had been twice before Ambassa-
dor to Spain, had not been able to gather instruction for his
present mission, where conciliation and wily intrigue were
more potential than the stately intercourse and dignified
rules of strict diplomacy. The veteran diplomatist was
slow and ceremonious, pompous and ungracious in manner,
and not at all the kind of man to find out what was going
on. So troubled did he become, amid the meshes spread
for him by the Marquis and those acting with him, that he
sent for his son, also a Count Harrach, to come to his assist-
ance ; and also, the wife of the latter — a person of attrac-
tive manners and agreeable social qualities, who was spe-
cially deputed to counteract the influence of the brilliant
French Ambassadress, the Marchioness d'Harcourt. It
was a long time after his arrival, before Count Harrach,
although eager to begin his work, could obtain a public
audience ; the reason alleged by the Spanish Court being,
that, in a letter brought by the Count from the Emperor,
addressed to their Spanish Majesties, the Queen had been
styled " most beloved " instead of "most serene." A cou-
rier had to be sent to Vienna to rectify this difficulty. The
anecdote illustrates the extraordinary punctilio of the Span-
ish Court, which must have much embarrassed diplomatic
efforts. In league, at first, with the Imperial embassy, was
a person of great influence with the Queen, Countess Ber-
lip.s, a German woman of common origin, who had accom-
panied the Queen to Madrid and remained with her as
prime favorite, exercising the functions of Camarera Mayor.
With agreeable person and manner, but of haughty temper
and extreme ambition, she became of sufficient conse-
quence to figure in all the plots and counterplots of the

76 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

court ; and to be an object of interest and research for both
the great Ambassadors.

The Count Harrach was specially instructed to win over
the Cardinal Portocarrero, whose influence at Court was all
powerful, to the Austrian interests ; also the Count of
Monterey, who was supposed to be inclined to favor the
French ; he was also instructed, with a view to conciliate
the king, to offer the services of io,ooo German troops, if
needed, either against France or to quell revolts in the
Spanish territories : to the Queen, to Madame Berlips and
to the Admiral of Castile he was to be especially gracious
and conciliatory.

The general feeling in Spain, however, became, in no long
time, quite decided on the French side of the question.
In spite of the many wars theretofore waged with France
and the misery they had occasioned, there was no little feel-
ing drawing Spaniards toward France, arising perhaps from
similarity of race and propinquity of territory — the French
marriages made also a bond of union. Some gratitude to
Louis also was felt for his apparent generosity in the terms of
the Treaty at Ryswick. There was a fear, too, that the bal-
ance of power and the independence of States, and, conse-
quently, the tranquillity of Europe would be more imper-
illed if a Hapsburg rather than a Bourbon rule controlled
the action of a double crown. In opposition to these feel-
ings the Count Harrach sought to revive, in the breasts of
the Spaniards, their ancient friendship for Germany, which
had almost become extinguished by the action of the needy
and ambitious Germans at the Spanish Court, who, abusing
the good-will of the Queen, and taking advantage of the
weakness of the king, had appropriated to themselves al-
most absolute power in the dispensation of the dignities
and offices of the crown. This feeling against the Ger-
mans Harrach grievously complains of, in his despatches to
the Emperor,

D'Harcourt, the French Ambassador, made his grand
public entry into Madrid, in September, 1698 ; and was
received by the King, on his first public audience, as Am-
bassador.

D'HARCOURT ENTEKS MADRID. 11

From an account of the entry of the Ambassador, pub-
lished at Madrid, in 1698, it must have been one of unusual
magnificence. Banquets were given to the gentlemen who
were to form the cortkge, in the Ambassador's palace ; while,
before it, outside, the people were, as usual, regaled from
fountains. A number of mounted gentlemen belonging to
the embassy, clothed in velvet and brocades heavily deco-
rated in gold, opened the procession, followed by twenty-
four other gentlemen of the embassy, their garments glist-
ening in silver and gold lace. Then followed thirty servants
or pages in livery, and after them the French Ambassador
on horseback, having on either side of him the Major Domo
of the king and the conductor of the Ambassadors. The
king's gilded carriage then followed, and, after it, five elabo-
rately carved carriages of the Embassy — heavily draped in
cloth of gold, and drawn by horses and mules in rich trap-
pings. The streets and windows of the houses were crowded
with people whose vehement and continuous vivas for
France, and special shouts for her Ambassador, showed the
popularity of the French with the multitude ; while ladies
of high degree, from balcony and window, waved enthusi-
astic welcome and threw perfumes and flowers to the well
gratified and triumphant Frenchman.

CHAPTER IX.

Intrigues at the Spanish Court continued.— D'Harcourt's efforts to con-
ciliate the Spaniards.— He gains the Countess Berlips.— Brilhant
offers to the Queen.— Her changing Views.— Change of the King's
Confessor. — Charles visits the Tombs of his Ancestors for Relief and
Meditation. — France preparing for War. — She assumes a threatening
Attitude.— Feeble condition of Spain.— Despatch of Louis as to his
Policy. — Extracts from the Despatches of the Emperor's Ambassa-
dor.— He is continually foiled by French Intrigues. — Suspicious
Demeanor, towards him, of the Countess Berlips and the Queen. —
Complaints of the Count Harrach. — Increasing Decrepitude of
Charles. — Departure of the Count Harrach. — Will made by Charles,
in favor of the Electoral Prince.— Death of the Electoral Prince. —
Suspicion of Poison. — Action of the Elector.

From the time of his arrival, the Marquis d'Harcourtwas
informed of everything that was said or done about the
court. He had his paid agents everywhere, and of every
degree; and what was most secretly done or said, even in
the rooms of the King or Queen, was revealed to him. The
meetings of the Cabal in favor of France, were secretly held
at the house of an old French intriguante, styled the Mar-
quise de Gardagne, who had had diplomatic experience in
Italy, in securing letters and papers; and who subsequently
was ordered to leave Madrid, on twenty-four hours' notice.
The profusion of D'Harcourt's bribes and the extent of his
promises for place, under the possible French succession,
opened every door to him, and gained for him much
influential support : Harrach was unable to stem the popu-
lar tide in favor of France, and the interests of the Bava-
rian party, also, seemed quite disregarded. As, after the
Peace of Ryswick, Louis not only did not disband his
army, but kept his fleets afloat, under various pretences,
and supplied his naval magazines, apprehension was felt at
the Spanish Court that some hostile procedure was impend-
ing. D'Harcourt, however, subdued the apprehensions of

D'HARCOURT'S OFFERS TO THE QUEEN. 79

the Spaniards as to these armaments, by asserting that the
preparations of a fleet were for the attack of pirates, in the
Barbary States ; and offered the ships to Spain for the
relief of her garrison at Ceuta, then besieged by the
Moors. This offer of the fleet gave great assistance to the
French cause in Spanish circles : the French became more
popular daily, and shouts became more frequent among the
populace in favor of France, its king, and its popular min-
ister.

In due time, the Marquis gained over that important per-
sonage, the Countess Berlips, by taking her side in a quarrel
with the Austrian Ambassador, and promising her, even, a
petty sovereignty. He also gained the Queen's confessor
by the promise of a Cardinal's hat ; and, above all, influenced
to his side Cardinal Portocarrero, Archbishop of Toledo,
by gold, by promises of aggrandizement under a Bourbon
rule, and by dexterously catering to the cardinal's pronounced
taste for luxury and sensual living. The acquisition of the
Cardinal was an important one, as his influence was great,
and his talent for intrigue invaluable. The Marquis de
Mancera was also gained over, by special instructions from
France. The fascinating manners and adroit flattery of the
Marquise d'Harcourt, the engaging French Ambassadress,
began also to have their effect even on the Queen, and
shook her fidelity to the cause of her own family. Strange
inducements were held out to her: it was adroitly suggested
that on her husband's decease she would be a fit bride for
the Dauphin ; and the magical words " Queen of France "
were whispered in her ear. The suggestion of the Re-
gency of Spain, until the Duke of Anjou, the Bourbon aspir-
ant, should be of age, was also advanced.

Her zeal and alacrity for the House of Austria was evi-
dently dissolving, under these beguiling ideas, and the
Count Harrach was treated with increasing coldness.

D'Harcourt also intimated, that the Queen should not
only have the absolute Regency of the Kingdom, during
the minority of the Duke of Anjou, but that Roussillon
should be restored to the Spanish Crown ; and that the
French arms should be united with those of Spain for the

8o THE HISTORY OF A GREAT tREATY.

reconquest of the kingdom of Portugal, and other Prov-
inces, that Spain had lost, since the glorious days of
Charles V.

What visions of grandeur and greatness with which to
tempt the Queen to desert her kin and Royal house ! Re-
gent of Spain — Queen of France — and she to be the
means to restore the grandeur of Spain as of yore, and to
rehabilitate it in its ancient possessions and glory !

An important functionary, the king's confessor, in the in-
terest of Austria, who had been given to the King by the
Queen, was also removed by the operations of the Car-
dinal, and a new one, in the interest of France, appointed.
The Cardinal and the new Confessor, thereupon, brought
the power of religion and superstition to bear upon the poor
king, who, now, that he was growing daily weaker, was the
more easily moved by influences of that character.

The beleaguered monarch then sought, by communion
with the shades of the past, some release from the persecu-
tions and intrigues to which he was subjected. Some rest
and strength, perhaps some light, might come to him, he
thought, by communion in spirit, with those he had loved
— now silent in their last repose.

Deep beneath the earth, in the jewelled mausoleum of
the church of the Escurial, where had long slumbered the
bodies of his ancestors, Charles passed hours, in gloomy
meditation on his sad life and the prognostics of his imme-
diate end. By the wild glare of torches that flickered
through thQ dark recesses of the crypt, and shone upon the
huge black crucifix that stood sentinel over the bronze sarco-
phagi of the dead — the grim remains of Spain's departed
^ majesty were exposed to view — monarchs that had wielded
empire and shaped the fortunes of Europe, and Queens be-
fore whose grace and beauty all knees had bowed. But the
sad sight gave no balm or consolation to the spirit of the
desolate king — and when the visage of his first deeply be-
loved wife, still clear and preserved, almost in its pristine
beauty — she who had respected and cherished him, in spite
of all his defects — was exposed to his tremulous vision, he
apostrophized, in a frenzied rhapsody of grief and hope, this

FRANCE PREPARES FOR WAR. 8 1

dumb object of his past love. "She is in heaven," he ex-
claimed, " and soon I shall be there with her." A deeper
gloom and depression took possession of him after this sad
visit to the portals of Death.*

The King, at this time, became so weak and despondent
that even his customary sources of relaxation — dwarfs, buf-
foons and puppet-shows — had ceased to give him pleasure ;
and he so feared death that he never thought himself safe
but with his confessor and two friars by his side — who also
were compelled to lie in his chamber every night. He had
several fits of an epileptic character — but, on his partial re-
covery, he was compelled to go abroad, to keep up appear-
ances and to show that he was still alive. Occasionally, he
figured in a religious procession ; but he looked like a' ghost
and moved like a piece of clock-work. At this time, we
are told, a somewhat more nourishing diet was allowed,
composed of meat of capons that had been fed on vipers,
and a little wine daily, he having never drunk anything be-
fore but water boiled with cinnamon.

In the mean time, while these intrigues were going on,
and although peace had been but recently made, France
was continually arming herself. Sailors were being col-
lected in all the ports — vessels of war and transports were
being equipped and stationed in the harbors of Spain and
of Naples — there were 30 French men-of-war in Cadiz, and
the Duke de Noailles was at the head of an army of 45,000
men, who were exercising, as stated, for military instruc-
tion, but who evidently formed a camp of observation,
ready for prompt action.

No wonder that under this threatening attitude, and in
view of the exhausted condition of Spain, Charles came to
no open conclusion as to the disposition of his Crown.

All this armament was part of the French diplomacy, and
stronger than any arguments the Count Harrach could
bring — the Spaniards were helpless to coptend with France
— this, at least, the poor king knew.

*The Hon. Alex. Stanhope, the British minister at Madrid, gives in his
letters a somewhat different version of this visit ; but Spanish writers
give it as above.
6

82 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Spain had indeed been impoverished and weakened in
her recent wars with her great neighbor. There were only
20,000 armed men in the Spanish dominions — numbers of
whom deserted the flag daily, in a half-starved condition.
There was no national militia, no military spirit, such as in
the Netherlands had once placed the courage and fighting
qualities of the Spanish soldier in the foremost rank — no
navy, except three or four old galleys to protect trade with
the Indies — and any efificient vessels that were required,
were hired from the Genoese. The State revenues de-
pended mostly on the arrival of an occasional galleon from
the Indies — often intercepted — and the finances were, at
times, so low, that the lofty dignity of " grandee " was sold
to Italian bankers. Riots from scarcity of food were of
frequent occurrence — the palace of Count Oropesa, the late
Prime Minister, was attacked and plundered — and crowds
of infuriated people gathered before the royal palace, and
compelled the King to show himself and promise them par-
don for various outrages. The entering, by France, into
the first Treaty, for the dismemberment of Spain (October,
1698), above referred to, might, in view of the various in-
trigues and efforts at Madrid, by Louis, be considered as
singular : but, it was supposed, in diplomatic circles, that
the making of this Treaty by France, was with the policy
of giving at least a temporary check to the House of Aus-
tria, in its urgent claims for the entire throne of Spain, and,
at the same time, with a view to disarm suspicion as to the
views of France. Accordingly, the French Ambassador
received orders to act as if no such treaty were in progress ;
and he still continued to employ all his diplomatic efforts
in favor of the French succession to the entire Spanish
dominions. About this time, Mr. Stanhope, the English
minister at Madrid, wrote home that the French Ambassa-
dor was gaining daily; that the antipathy of the Spaniards
was daily increasing towards the Germans ; and, that the
Spaniards would have no objection to receive a grandson of
Louis for their King. " So far as I can discover the in-
clination of the people," he writes, " it is, that they are in
favor of a French prince, on condition of being assured that

DESPATCH OF THE FRENCH KING. 83

this prince will be never King of France : by such a choice
they believe they will secure repose within, but they would
prefer to have the Devil rather than to have Spain united
to France ! "

In a despatch of Aug. 5, 1698, by Louis to Count Tal-
lard, who was in London endeavoring to conclude the first
Treaty of Partition with William, the King thus expresses
himself as to the succession, and as to his desire that the
Treaty of Partition should be concluded.

"The Marquis d'Harcourt informs me of the inclinations
he finds in Spain in favor of one of my grandsons. It is
not only the greater part of the population that does justice
to the right of the legitimate heir, but the principal men in
the Kingdom. They foresee the misfortunes which that
Monarchy has to fear if it falls into other hands than those
of my grandson ; and they do not hesitate to say that the
King of Spain, being the master, during his life, cannot
choose a successor to the prejudice of the laws and constitu-
tion of the Kingdom. Many promise to declare themselves,
on the demise of their King, and afiSrm that the partisans
of the Emperor, hated by the whole nation, would soon be
forsaken ; and I do not see that any one has hitherto de-
clared for the Electoral Prince of Bavaria: thus, every-
thing favors the just rights of my son. I am in a condition
to maintain them, by causing the troops which I have on
the frontiers of Spain to enter that Kingdom, if the Catho-
lic King should die. I am able to prevent all the enter-
prises of the Emperor, and those who would give him
assistance : but, in truth, I cannot do so without renewing
a war as bloody as that from which Europe has just been
delivered. The desire of preserving the public tranquillity
is the chief motive which has actuated me, in taking meas-
ures with the King of England, to hinder peace from being
disturbed, on the death of the King of Spain. It is certain
that when the first proposals on the subject were made I
did not see so much facility as there appears to be at pres-
ent to have one of my grandsons recognized as successor to
that Crown. But, as the repose of Christendom is still the
principal object which I have in view, the more appearance

84 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

there, is of my being able to secure the Spanish succession
to one of my grandsons, the greater are the marks which I
give of my moderation and of my desire to preserve peace :
by contenting myself with a portion of the succession, and
by sacrificing such great interests to the repose of my sub-
jects and the tranquillity of all Europe."

The above despatch, which, being of a private character
was possibly sincere in its assertions, (although monarchs
often purposely mislead their own Ambassadors), seems to
indicate, that it was the serious intention of the French
King, in case the Treaty of Partition was made, to adhere
to it. As it was uncertain, however, whether the Emperor
would give it his assent, it was doubtless deemed judicious
to pursue diplomatic efforts in Spain, in furtherance of the
Bourbon interests, so that if the Emperor should endeavor
to secure to himself the entire Spanish dominions, the
French ascendency in the Spanish Court and among the
people would be so great that the House of Austria would
be eventually defeated.

With curious interest, as throwing a dramatic and pictur-
esque light upon these scenes of political intrigue, one may
at this day take a look at some of the despatches of the
Count d'Harrach to the Emperor, at about the time that
the former was much disturbed by the intrigues of the
French Ambassador, and suspected that the Queen was
being led to give her support to the court of France.
These despatches let us behind the veritable scenes of the
intricate diplomacy involved in the settlement of the great
question of the Succession.

The disturbed condition of the Count's mind, amid the
complications of Spanish court intrigue, are thoroughly
manifested in these despatches, as well as the skilful manner
in which he was outwitted. One despatch is as follows,
bearing date from Madrid, 8th July, 1698: " Sire, at last,
the Queen, who has continued in the opinion she had con-
ceived, with respect to my deportment towards her, has
deigned to give me the private audience which I asked of
her, through her confessor. The audience lasted a long
time, and she talked frankly with me, as I believe, in tell-

DESPA TCH OF COUNT D'HARRACH. 85

ing me all that the Countess Berlips had said to my son,
and of which I informed your Majesty in my last. I
tried to give her entire satisfaction, in speaking to her, in
full sincerity ; and her Majesty, as it appears to me, was so
much pleased that she expressed herself to the effect, that,
if she had shown me any indifference or coldness, it had no
personal reference, but resulted from the continual trou-
ble that she was burthened with daily, and which rendered
her almost unrecognizable by her own domestics. I, then,
spoke to her of the Succession, and of the divisions of the
troops for Spain ; and, thanking her for the care she had
taken, in order to succeed in those two matters, I thanked
her, also, for the hope she had given me, through the
Countess Berlips, that the King had been willing to name
the Count of Oropesa, as a commissioner to treat with me."
" I enlarged much upon the justice of your Imperial
Majesty, and of his august House, on the great confidence
that your Imperial Majesty had in her affection, and in her
inclination to make it serviceable, and for the part she had
taken in securing the Succession for him. This speech
of mine, that, at another time, might have been out of
place, was quite t propos in the conjunction in which this
court is now involved by the intrigues of the Ambassador
of France and his wife. The statement of the Count
Oxenstiern, who professes great zeal for the service of your
Imperial Highness, was the principal reason why I made
the above discourse to the Queen. That nobleman, who
has managed to get in with the greater part of the minis-
ters, and even with the Court, said, in secret, to my son,
that he had found out through a person in confidential
relations with the French Ambassador, that they were
negotiating with the Queen, through the medium of a
Spanish lady of the highest rank, whose name he could not
ascertain, in order to secure the succession of the Spanish
Monarchy in favor of a grandson of the King of France.
This was to be done by force of the promises that the King
of France and the Dauphin, his son, had given her to marry
her with the Dauphin as soon as the Catholic King died ; to
accord to her the government and the Regency of these

86 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

kingdoms, during the absence of the prince who might be
named for the succession, and, during his minority, to
restore RoussiUon to the Crown of Spain ; to conquer the
kingdom of Portugal, to unite it to that of Castile, and to
reward worthily and magnificently Father Gabriel, the
Countess Berlips, and all the servitors of her Majesty that
she wished to advance." " Although I did not put much
faith in all this, I confess to have viewed, with no little
suspicion, the conduct that the Queen manifested, for some
time, towards my daughter-in-law, and also the Marquise
d'Harcourt. It is true, that I attribute the indifference of
demeanor of the Queen, towards my daughter-in-law, to
the jealousy of the Countess Berlips, because of the great
friendship and extraordinary complaisance of the Queen
towards my daughter-in-law. As for the Marquise d'Har-
court, she possesses certainly the favor of the Queen; and
she keeps up a very intimate friendship with the Countess
Berlips. The Queen sent her lately a magnificent present,
which was carried to her by eight men, in the Queen's
livery. The Queen caused a rumor to be circulated in the
Court, that the present consisted of nothing but fresh
butter and fresh milk, some fans and other female knic-
knacks ; and that she was obliged to make the Marchioness
this present, because the Marchioness had made her, the
Queen, the present of a very handsome wig, that she had
sent for from Paris, to use in hunting. In spite of this
explanation, however, all the Court blames such marked
public demonstrations and insinuates that some mystery is
concealed therewith. Notwithstanding all this, however,
the Queen showed to me all the interest she has hitherto
manifested for the interests of your Imperial Majesty's
House ; she assured me that the reason why she dissimu-
lated so strongly with the Count of Oropesa, and that she
had began to be gracious to the Count de Monterey, was,
in order to interest them in the cause of the most serene
Archduke ; and that she would press the king, day and
night, about it, in order to make him consent to appoint
the Count of Oropesa a commissioner, to treat with me,
in the hope that my reasonings would be capable of taking

DESPA TCH OF COUNT D'HARRACH. 87

him away from the Bavarian party ; that, she the Queen,
would always be firm in the resolution she had taken to
cause the Archduke to be declared successor of the
Monarchy, and that the king desired nothing more earnestly
than to find favorable opportunity to make a declaration to
that effect. The apparent sincerity of the Queen and the
' naiveti' of her expressions made nfe give up the suspi-
cions I had conceived as regards her conduct, in the matter
of the Succession ; and I quitted, with the conviction that
the statement to me by the Count Oxenstiern had not
been characterized by sincerity, and that my suspicions had
been groundless. This feeling of satisfaction that I experi-
enced, however, did not last long ; for, having entered into
the apartment of the Countess, I found her deportment
towards me quite different from what it had been, three
months ago. She said to me, in the most obliging terms
possible, that she was delighted to have heard from my son
my innocence (of a plot to shut up the king in a convent) ;
that she had spoken of it to the Queen ; that her Majesty
had shown a great desire to listen to my justification, and
that it was for that purpose that she had so readily con-
sented to my audience. I told the Countess all that had
passed in that audience ; and I afterwards prayed her to
keep the Queen in the good intentions she had shown for
the most serene Archduke ; and to do that as speedily as
possible. She answered me thereupon, in such artificial
phrases and in such a studied manner, that my suspicions
returned, finding neither that sincerity or good faith that
I had in the past ; and I began to perceive that the state-
ments of the Count Oxenstiern ought to give us abundant
reason to mistrust this lady, and consequently, also the
Queen. I hope, in a few days, to enlighten myself fur-
ther in the matter ; and I will try and retain the Admiral,
the Counts of Oropesa and D'Aguilar, and all the other
ministers on our side, firm and constant in their good
intentions towards the most August House. Waiting still
for the appointment of a commissioner I finish this despatch,
etc. (Madrid, i8th July, 1698)."

Finally, wearied by the importunities of the Count Har-

88 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT 7REATY.

rach, Charles informed him, although he could not in view
of the threatening attitude of France make any public dec-
laration of his wishes, that still the Count might inform the
Emperor that his inclinations and wishes were for the Im-
perial House.

In the mean while, however, both the Queen, her con-
fessor and the Countess Berlips gave the bewildered Count
the cold shoulder; and, after rehearsing the manner in
which they had recently treated him, he winds up a de-
spatch, dated August 14, 1698, in these words : " All
these things "taken together give me further occasion of
mistrust of the sincerity of the Countess Berlips, on whom
Father Gabriel is entirely dependent ; and that makes me
also fear that both of them will oblige the king by their
persuasions and by their artifices, to change his sentiments
in favor of France."

The Countess Berlips, now, almost threw off the mask ,
and although she protested, and even swore to the Counts
of Harrach that she had nothing to do with the French
Ambassador, and hardly knew him, it was ascertained that
they had daily conferences, which often lasted from four to
five hours.

The Queen, too, gave frequent audiences to the French
Ambassador, and received from him magnificent and costly
presents. She also testified great friendship for his wife,
who was as skilful a diplomatist as her husband ; and poor
Harrach faithfully wrote to his master of all these things,
and confessed to him that, even in the minds of disinter-
ested people, it was evident that the Queen had embraced
the party of the House of Bourbon, dazzled by the hopes
of becoming some day Queen of France, after having been
the Sovereign of Spain.

The Count also wrote, that the Cardinal Portocarrero
and the Count of Monterey had gone over to the enemy —
the former, under the influence of his confidential secretary
and of a certain Spanish lady for whom the Cardinal had a
great respect. These two new personages were doubtless
also tools of the wily French Ambassador.

All these matters gave such trouble to Count Harrach

DEPARTURE OP COUNT HARRACff PROM MADRID. 89

that on September 4, 1698, he wrote this lamentation to
the Emperor — " In one word, Sire, the state of this court
and of this ministry promises nothing but the approaching
destruction of this Monarchy. God grant that this predic-
tion may be false, and that he will preserve the sacred per-
son of your Imperial Majesty."

However, to appease and satisfy the Count, not only one
but two Commissioners were subsequently appointed by
the king, to treat with him, on the important subject of his
mission : but French intrigue was little disturbed by this
formal diplomacy, and pursued its course — seeking to
throw obstacles of every kind into the intercourse of the
Count with the Commissioners ; of all which he made mel-
ancholy plaint to his Imperial master, and of the fact that
French vessels were so numerous in the Spanish and Italian
ports, that they seemed already to have possession of the
Spanish dominions !

While these diplomatic struggles were going on, the King
was sometimes, apparently, at the point of death, when
couriers were despatched in hot haste to France. Some-
times, however, he resumed a condition of such apparent
health, that a continuance of his life was thought probable,
and the diplomatists became quite puzzled, as to what was
to be done next.

Count Harrach was finally so discouraged at the enthusi-
astic reception that the French Ambassador received, and
at the special favors and distinction with which he was com-
plimented, on the part of the King and Queen, that he de-
termined to leave the scene of his unsuccessful efforts and
to abandon the field to his French rival. He left Spain for
Vienna, in November, 1698, completely defeated in his dip-
lomatic operations. His son, the Count Louis, still re-
mained to represent the Emperor , but neither had he the
force, the spirit of intrigue or the conciliatory manners
necessary in this field of Spanish diplomacy.

Harassed by all these intrigues and contentions relative
to the Succession, and deeming it best, doubtless, for the in-
terests of his Kingdom, the King, disregarding the claims
of both France and Austria, determined to make a will in

go THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

favor of the Electoral Prince of Bavaria as his successor to
the crown , hoping thereby, in a measure, to please all
parties, and to preserve his Kingdom in its integrity.

The proposed partition and denationalization of the
Spanish dominions by the compact of 1698-9, before re-
cited, and the claims of the House of Austria asserted dur-
ing his lifetime, particularly excited feelings of irritation in
the heart of Charles ; and much influenced his decision.
He saw his kingdom virtually dismembered before his eyes
— himself treated as moribund — and his people, like sheep,
to be driven where it might suit their new masters, after
his demise had given the .signal for the foray. He there-
fore selected his successor from the House of Bavaria, which
had given least trouble in the question of the succession,
and whose claims were quite as strong as those of Austria
or France.

This will in favor of the Electoral Prince was made
towards the end of the year 1698, after consultation by
Charles with theologians and jurisconsults, as to his human
and divine obligation, in the matter of disposing of the
Crown. The choice of the Prince of Bavaria seemed to be
not unpleasing to either France, England or Holland , and
the Elector, for his son, agreed on terms with them, as to
the distribution of the Spanish possessions other than Spain
and the Indies. The demise of the Prince of Bavaria, how-
ever, disturbed this arrangement, and renewed the embar-
rassments of a new choice for the succession. This young
Prince, aged about seven years, died at Brussels, in Feb-
ruary, 1699, in a manner that led his father and others to
suppose that his dissolution was not entirely due to natural
causes.

A rumor was circulated that the House of Austria had
some hand in bringing about his decease, although this
seems scarcely credible, the then Emperor being the grand-
father of the little prince, on whose life then depended the
fortunes and destinies of all Western Europe. Crimes of
this terrible character, however, seem to have been no in-
frequent adjuncts to the intricate diplomacy, even of the
civilized and Christianized period now being considered.

GRIEF OF THE ELECTOR. 91

The loss of his beloved child, on whom so many hopes
were hung — the destined head of a great Empire — and the
apparent founder of a new dynasty, weighed heavily on the
Elector. His suspicion of treachery was so strong, and
his opposition to the German Imperial house, in that con-
nection, became so great, that he subsequently suffered the
ban of the Empire, from acting in opposition to Germany,
during the subsequent war of the Succession, and uniting
his forces with France, in that great struggle.

The French diplomatists, ready to achieve the first great
step in defeating Austria, had apparently favored the action
of the King, in making a will in favor of the Electoral
Prince; at the same time, putting in a protest, for form's
sake, in favor of the Dauphin.

CHAPTER X.

Intrigues Continued. — Machinations of Cardinal Portocarrero. — Incanta-
tions and Exorcisms to work upon the King. — Despair of Charles. —
His Personal and Political Feelings opposed. — D'Harcourt's depart-
ure. — Departure of the Countess Berlips. — The Pope consulted. — Will
, in favor of the Archduke destroyed. — The new Will made by Charles
in favor of the Duke of Anjou. — The grief of Charles. — His desire to
change his Will. — Deliberations of the Grandees. — Decease of
Charles. — Announcement of the Will at the Spanish Court. — Pleas-
antry of one of the Grandees. — Mortification of the Ambassador of
the Emperor. — A wonder in the Heavens. — Its supposed portent.

After the decease of the Electoral Prince, in February,
1699, although many and powerful influences were directed
upon Charles, to cause him to make an expression, by will,
in fayor of the House of Bourbon, he still hesitated — mainly,
at first, through the influence of the Queen, but principally,
through a natural attachment to his German family.

The king still hesitating, terrible exhortations or rather
denunciations were employed by Portocarrero and his co-
adjutors, priests and inquisitors. They presumed to speak
in the name of Heaven ; claiming that it was a matter that
concerned the king's soul to make some provision to pre-
vent the confusion and dismemberment of empire that
would follow his decease, unless the matter of the succes-
sion were settled.

The; king, still vacillating in his views, regarded the sub-
ject with horror and aversion. In his desire for relief from
importunity and intrigues, he often quitted the court, and
went to Toledo for repose.

As the matter still hung in the balance, Portocarrero,
the Grand Inquisitor Rocaberti, and their confederates,
caused it to be rumored that the King had been bewitched
by the Queen and her party, and that the demon should be
exorcised. The exorcism was therefore carried out with

DEPARTURE OF D'HARCOURT. 93

frightful incantations, and all the terrible accessories that
the Church and Inquisition had at command, mainly with
the idea of bringing odium on the Queen and her then
counsellors. A Spanish Dominican, one Froylan Diaz, was
the chief agent of the Cardinal in carrying on these un-
seemly operations. He had been placed near the King as
Confessor in order to influence the mind and conscience of
the poor monarch, who was too weak to make resistance,
and allowed the exorcising proceedings to be conducted.
The fear he experienced threw him into a fit of profound
depression ; and horror-stricken at the terrible incantations
of the priests, he considered himself really in the possession
of a Devil, and became reduced to a wretched condition of
body and -mind, still wavering, however, in painful uncer-
tainty and conscientious terror.

He dreaded the power both of France and of Austria,
and bemoaned the condition of his unhappy country. He
saw that, if he directly declared in favor of either contend-
ing Power, the other would not submit to the decision.
"What am I to do — if I do not declare positively for the
Emperor ? " said he, piteously, to his friend and confidant,
the Admiral, " my inclination and my conscience will accuse
me of insensibility towards my own House, or of cruel
wrong to all Christendom ; for I cannot but imagine that
the opening of this question of my succession, although it
was thoroughly regulated by the law of exclusion, and by
the wills of my father and my grandfather, will draw after
it terrible misfortunes, and a most horrible effusion of Chris-
tian blood."

About this time (May, 1 700), the Marquis d'Harcourt took
his departure from Spain, having by his exertions kept the
Spanish people very favorably disposed to the French in-
terests. Before leaving the country, D'Harcourt, contrary
to all diplomatic usage, caused to be printed and circulated
among the Spanish people a manifesto, exhibiting the low
condition of the Spanish State, and urging upon the people
the advantages that would ensue from a Bourbon rule.
For his active service in promoting the Bourbon cause in
Spain, D'Harcourt was rewarded with the title of " Duke."

94 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

The departure of D'Harcourt is supposed by some to have
been caused by letters of recall from the French Court,
made at the instigation of the Spanish Ministry, and based
upon representations made by the Queen, of the French-
man's efforts to bribe her to desert the Austrian interests.
She probably had perceived that she was sought to be made
a tool of by the French Minister, and had come to the con-
clusion that his grand promises were made merely to delude
her : — and she seems to have become again active in pro-
moting the cause of the Emperor; although she continued
in unpleasant relations with the Austrian Ambassador, who
placed no confidence in her supposed devotion to the inter-
ests of the Imperial House.

Either the French or Austrian Cabal, at about this time,
caused the removal from Spain of the Countess Berlips,
who had been active in intriguing at various times, for both
the Austrian and French interests, and who was now, with
the Queen, supposed to lean towards Austria, but on whom
no reliance was placed by Count Harrach. On the return
journey of this busy intrigante to Germany, it is related,
that her retinue was composed, in part, of the following per-
sonages : an eunuch, a dwarf, a doctor, a Capuchin and a
diplomatic agent. She took, besides, no small amount of
treasure accumulated during her reign as Queen's favorite :
a large part of which had come from the Elector of Bavaria
as a bribe for her influence in favor of the Electoral Prince.
Public feeling in Spain was much against this lady, as it
was against all the Austrian place-holders ; and her de-
parture gave great satisfaction, to all classes.

The busy Cardinal now, also, caused the removal, as far
as possible, from the presence of the King, of the Prince of
Darmstadt, who commanded the troops in and about Mad-
rid, and also the Admiral of Castile, and one or two others
who had proclivities for Austria — the King's former con-
fessor having already been removed.

The Austrian party had now become much weakened by
these eiTorts of the Cardinal, who gradually drew closer his
meshes around the King, and prevented him from signing

CHARLES' WILL. 95

a will that had been prepared by the Austrians, in favor of
the Archduke.

His German advisers being all removed or influenced,
full of trouble and anxiety, in June, 1700, Charles consulted
the Pope and his Cardinals as regards the respective preten-
sions of the Houses of Bourbon and Austria to the Succes-
sion.

The response was, that the renunciations of the mother
and wife of Louis to the throne of Spain had only been
made to secure the peace of Christendom ; that the Span-
iards had a right to determine to set aside their compact ;
and that, if a Bourbon were called to the throne of Spain,
by resigning his right to the throne of France, every end
sought for by the renunciations of the two Queens could
be obtained.

The Pope and the Italian ecclesiastics, doubtless, had pri-
vate as well as public reasons for advocating the selection,
by Charles, of a Bourbon Prince to succeed him. They
feared a preponderance of Austrian power in Italy ; and
perhaps their views had been somewhat influenced by
French diplomacy. Be that as it may, the Sovereign Pon-
tiff and the majority of the doctors and jurisconsults pro-
nounced that the renunciation of Maria Theresa was a nul-
lity, so far as her children's rights were concerned ; and, that
the King of Spain might lawfully select one of her descend-
ants to succeed to the Spanish Crown.

The Council of State was also unanimous with one excep-
tion for the French interests ; and the then French Ambassa-
dor, De Blecourt, indefatigable in his efforts to influence the
nobility in favor of France, now took the broad ground
that either Spain must be dismembered, under the Treaty
of Partition, or that a Bourbon must succeed to the throne.

CHARLES' WILL.

Although embittered for many reasons against Louis, the
Spanish Monarch, after long deliberation, actuated very
much by the counsels of the Papal See, instigated, also,
materially, by the wishes of his people, and with a strong

96 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

desire for their welfare and for the peace of Europe, allowed
to be destroyed in his presence the will theretofore prepared
in favor of the Archduke ; and executed, a new will which
had been prepared by the Cardinal and Ubilla, the Secre-
tary of Despatches, in which occurs the following important
provision, establishing, so far as he could do it, by such an
instrument, the coveted Succession. " Having remarked,
agreeably to the result of all the consultations held by our
ministers of State and of Justice, that the reasons for which
the Infantas Lady Ann and Lady Maria Theresa, Queens of
France, my aunt and sister, have renounced the succession
of these dominions, were only founded on the danger and
the prejudice which this kingdom would experience if it be-
came united with that of France ; and having considered
that the fundamental reason no longer existed, the right of
succession having devolved upon the nearest relative accord-
ing to the laws of the kingdom, and that this condition is
now manifested in the person of the second son of the Dau-
phin of France — this is the reason, why^ acting upon the
said laws, that I declare as my successor, if God remove m.e
without leaving children, the Duke d'Anjou, second son of the
Dauphin ; and in consequence of this I establish and name him
to succeed to my kingdoms and estates, without any exception."

Having exhorted his subjects to concur in his selection,
Charles further declares it to be his will that, in case, before
his decease, the Duke of Anjou should either die or become
King of France, the succession should then devolve on the
Duke de Berry, the third son of the Dauphin ; and in case
of his demise or becoming King of France, that the second
son of the Emperor should succeed ; and, in case of his de-
cease, the Duke of Savoy, as descendant of a daughter of
Philip n., and his children.

After the will was signed and sealed, in presence of the
Cardinal, the Confessor, and some of the officers of State,
who were in the secret, Charles burst into tears at the
thought of having disinherited his family and removed from
Spain the Hapsburg race that had made it glorious — and
passing over to the hereditary enemy of Spain a dominion
that had been, at one time, the most powerful in the world.

DELIBERATIONS OF THE GRANDEES. 97

"God is the disposer of kingdoms," cried lie, in his afflic-
tion ; " they belong only to him." Then, sinking back in
silent despair he feebly muttered, "I am already nothing."
Two days after, he abandoned the reins of government to
Cardinal Portocarrero, and subsequently made a codicil con-
firming the will.

Although the contents of the will were carefully kept
even from the Queen, a courier, on the night that the cod-
icil was signed, was on his way towards France, and the
Queen, under various pretexts, was prevented for some days
from going near the King.

Portocarrero had caused an assembly to be held of some
of the Grandees and most influential men in the State
(Aug., 1700) to deliberate on the great question of the suc-
cession. The results of their deliberation were to the
following effect : " That the Spanish Kingdom was now on
the brink of ruin, and that there was great danger in
further postponing the nomination of a successor to the
Crown — that every European Prince was ready to strike at
Spain, and seize a part of its dominions ; and that the
antagonism of the various Provinces and districts in the
kingdom was so great that, on the King's decease, they
would be in such a state of hostility that civil war would
ensue. That some one must be selected as successor, who
would be powerful enough to hold his place, with a heredi-
tary right so to do. That the House of Bourbon was rich,
powerful and fortunate ; and that the Duke d'Anjou
should be selected — he being one who would not succeed to
the double crown ; and that under such powerful protection
the ancient glories of Spain would revive." Even the Ad-
miral of Castile, and others in the Austrian interest, were
prevailed upon to make no dissent from these conclusions.
They probably were convinced that further opposition
was useless.

The deliberations of this council were also kept secret,
even from the Queen. It is narrated, that, after the king
had confirmed the will in favor of French interests, a tem-
porary restoration to health and the urgent representation
of the German party had determined Charles to revoke it,
7

98 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

and make a new disposition in favor of the House of
Austria ; but, Death, a new agent in these diplomatic
hopes and fears, appeared upon the scene, and, so far as
Charles was concerned, closed the great drama of the
"Succession."

About a month after the making of his will, in Novem-
ber, 1700, at the age of 42, Charles departed from the tur-
moil of a royal existence, especially aggravated in his case
by his physical ailments and by the dissensions between his
royal kinsmen for the possession of his realms.

Their bitter enmity, particularly as it foreshadowed evil
for the peace of his country and of Europe, disturbed his
last moments, and doubtless accelerated his end. The
remains of the poor king received a mean interment — the
procession was meagre and the ceremonies were hurried —
the finances of the State were low — he had given trouble
enough — and it was time for him to go ! — On the examina-
tion of the body for embalmment the heart, it is recorded,
was found no larger than the egg of a pigeon ! — And so
passed from history this doleful specimen of Spanish
majesty.

It is related that the will of Charles was kept so secret
that the then Ambassador of the Emperor had not been
able to discover its contents. He had flattered himseJLf
that the Archduke would have been named the heir.- "Hd
had no longer any doubts, when the Grandees, who were
assembled to hear it read, left the apartment of the Late
king, and he saw the Duke d'Abrantes approacb^(*^ith
open arms, to embrace him. The AmbassJtd^lffmmedi-
ately assured him that he would inform the. Ftx;peror of the
polite zeal that he had demonstrated towards the Emperor
— but the Duke rather disconcerted hf^m, in saying, with
pleasant sarcasm, " I only come to take leave of the House
of Austria ! "

The will of Charles, which he thought doubtless, a
wise one under the circumstances, and one which should
insure the integrity of his kingdom and the happiness of
his subjects, was the foundation, in fact, of a terrible and
prolonged war that extended through nearly all civilized

A HE A VENL Y PORTENT. 99

Europe and raged with a ferocity and persistence that
had characterized no war since the Peace of Westphalia.

At the time of Charles' death an appearance in the
Heavens caused wonder. The brilliant planet Venus
shone when in opposition to the sun, although generally
invisible at such a period. This prodigy, in those times of
superstition, was considered, by some, a sign and favorable
augury that the late king had been triumphantly welcomed
to celestial abodes. Others construed the meteor as an
omen of terror and of blood !

CHAPTER XL

Effect of the Will of Charles II.— The Action of France.— Views of
Louis. — Feeling in Spain. — Notification by the Junta to Louis. —
Deliberations in the French Council. — Determination to Accept the
Will. — The Duke d'Anjou summoned. — Speech of Louis to him
- and to the Court. — First Action Of the Courts of Holland, England
and Austria.— Louis' Letter to the States General. — Action of the
Spanish Provinces. — Preparations for War in France. — Recognition of
Philip by England.— Letter of William to Heinsius. — Opposition of
the Emperor. — Menace to England. — Recognition by Louis of the
Son of James II. as King of England. — Defiance to Holland. — Cir-
cular Letter of Louis to Europe. — Object of Louis in recognizing the
Pretender.

EFFECT OF THE WILL OF CHARLES II.

Although, as has been before related, the King of
France had entered into a solemn compact with England
and Holland for the distribution of the Spanish dominions,
the decease of the Spanish king, and his expressed will in
favor of the succession of the whole realm to a Prince of
the House of Bourbon, determined, in another way, the
views of the King of France, if they had not been so deter-
mined, before.

The prize was too tempting to be avoided by the barren
words of a treaty; and so, at the risk of another great
European war, the King of Spain's wishes, as expressed by
his will, endorsed by those of his subjects, and fortified,
subsequently, by vote of the Cortes, were deemed para-
mount to any prior political or moral obligations.

The plausible pretext was put forward, in answer to con-
trary views, that a refusal to follow the wishes of the de-
ceased sovereign and that of his people would certainly
cause civil dissension and probably an European war. It
was argued, also, that the fundamental aim of the Partition
Treaty would, in fact, be carried out by adopting the

NOTIFICATION BY THE JUNTA. lOI

will, inasmuch as the succession, under it, would not cause
the unification of the crown of Spain with that of either
Germany or France ; and Spain would remain intact and
entire ; while, if the terms of the treaty, on the other hand,
were observed, France and other States would be aggran-
dized at the expense of Spain.

Louis, also, doubtless, was convinced that if he did not
take the succession, Austria would do so ; and, in fact, it
subsequently appeared, that the Spanish couriers who bore
the offer of the crown to Louis, for his grandson, in case of
his refusal, were to tender it to the Archduke Charles.

It was evident, also, that a feeling in favor of a French
Prince pervaded all classes in Spain — the Grandees, the
Cortes, the clergy, those learned in the law, and the lower
orders seemed impelled by the same sentiment in favor of
the reign of a new dynasty.

Authority from on High, also, was not wanting ; for had
not the Pope written from Rome, in July, 1700, "that the
laws of Spain and the good of Christendom required that
Charles should give preference to the House of France " ?

The Junta, or council of Regency, and the Spanish Secre-
tary of State, immediately on the King's decease, had noti-
fied the French Court and expressed their desire to have
the Duke of Anjou accept the proffered throne ; this great
news was received by the French Court, then at Fontain-
bleau, on the 9th of November, 1700.

Although it is probable that Louis' intentions had been,
from the outset, fixed for the Bourbon succession, he af-
fected' to be in doubt, as to whether the offer of the Span-
ish Crown should be accepted, and went through the form of
assembling his Council of ministers, in the apartment of
Madame de Maintenon, for deliberation, before he sent his
final answer of acceptance to the Junta. Madame de Main-
tenon was asked her opinion in this as in other important
affairs, and expressed herself finally in favor of accepting
the provisions of the will, but was, at first, much opposed
to that step. The King and his council deliberated upon
the matter for several days ; and although some members
of the council were opposed to it, on the i6th of Novem-

102 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

ber, it was officially determined, that France should recog-
nize the Duke of Anjou as King of Spain !

Louis' policy had triumphed. For forty years this suc-
cession had been the subject of his political intrigues and
personal ambition — and now, Spain, effete and helpless,
placed herself under the protection and, indeed, under the
absolute power of her former inveterate enemy. On the
matter being determined, the King, with a sense of the
great importance of the step he was taking, remarked, "I
am sure that whatever course I adopt many people will con-
demn me." He, however, did not delay in announcing his
intentions, and sent for the young Duke of Anjou to come
to his cabinet.

He summoned also Philip's two brothers and their father
the Dauphin (the son of a King and the father of a King —
and yet no King) ; and, in the presence of the Spanish Am-
bassador, the Marquis del Castel-dos-Rios, spoke to the
young man these dignified and eloquent words : " Sir : the
King of Spain has made you a king — the nobles demand
you — the people desire you — ^and I give my consent. You
are going to reign over the greatest monarchy in the world,
and over a brave people, who have ever been distinguished
for their honor and loyalty. I recommend you to love them
and gain their affection, by the mildness of your govern-
ment, and to render yourself worthy to reign over the mon-
archy, on the throne of which you ascend." Turning to the
Spanish Ambassador, he said : " Sir, salute your king."
The Ambassador, having kneeled and rendered homage to
his new monarch, the doors were thrown open to the assem-
bled courtiers, to. whom Louis, holding his grandson by the
hand, said in the lofty and digniiied style that well became
him and his royal state — " Gentlemen : behold the King of
Spain ! — his birth and the will of the late monarch have
called him to the throne. The whole Spanish nation demand
him — it is the decree of Heaven ; and I yield to it, with
pleasure." Again, addressing the new king, he said : " Be
a good Spaniard, this is your first duty: but remember,
that you were born a Frenchman, and to maintain the union

LOUIS' LETTER TO THE STATES GENERAL. 103

between the two crowns. You will thus render both na-
tions happy and preserve the peace of Europe."

To the Courtiers and the Spanish Ambassador Louis thus
expressed himself : "You will see me give my grandson no
counsels except those that shall inure to the glory and
interests of Spain. You will see him at the head of the
Spaniards defending France — and you will see me at the
head of Frenchmen, defending Spain."

Thus the grand cause of the " War of the Spanish Suc-
cession " was established.

FIRST ACTION OF THE OTHER POWERS.

After the intentions of the King of France as to the
Spanish throne became manifest, both Holland and Eng-
land sent urgent representations to him to the effect, that
they had made the Treaty of Partition with the intention
that it should be religiously observed, on all sides ; and that
they learned with surprise, that his Majesty had come to
resolutions in opposition to the terms of the treaty ; and
demanded of him that he should adhere to it.

On the other hand, Austria had made a counter-notifica-
tion and protested against any action under the treaty.

In the mean while, the States General, feeling that there
was war in the air, notified all officers to return to their
posts, and looked about for allies among the Protestant
Princes. Louis XIV., having made up his mind as to his
course of action in the matter, was not the man to hesitate
in carrying it out : he wasted no time in explanations or
apologies — a mere diplomatic manifesto declared his will.

The following letter sent by him to the States General is
almost sarcastic in its tone, considering the then attitude of
affairs.

" Very dear and great friends. Allies and Confederates :
The tranquillity of Spain is so solidly established, through
the just disposition that the late King of Spain, our much
beloved brother, has made of his kingdom and estates, in
favor of our very dear and much beloved grandson, Philip
v., now King of Spain, that we do not doubt the part that

104 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

you will take on his accession to the crown. We have
already communicated to him the good-will that we have
for you ; and, as we are persuaded that his sentiments will
be the same, the entire understanding that will henceforth
exist between our Crown and that of Spain, will give us
new opportunities of manifesting the interest we take in all
that relates to you. The Count de Briord, our Ambassador
Extraordinary, will give you further assurances of this:
and, in the mean time, we pray that God, my very dear and
great friends, AlHes and Confederates, will keep you in his
good and worthy charge.

" Written at Versailles, the 29th November, 1700.
" Your good friend, ally and confederate,

" Louis."

The States General returned a cold and polite answer to
the address of the French king ; but did not express them-
selves definitely as to his action ; stating, merely, that the
subject would have to be referred to the respective Prov-
inces: in the end, however, Holland, after deferring the
matter as long as possible, recognized the accessioa of the
new King. This recognition was mainly due to the influ-
ence of the great commercial city of Amsterdam in the
state councils. That city deprecated an immediate war, for
which the country was unprepared ; and a dilatory policy
was deemed advisable, which a formal recognition of Philip
aided. There was no trouble to be apprehended with
Spain : the Spaniards were all disposed to favor their new
King, and thus preserve the entirety of their Kingdom.

Milan, Naples, Sicily, and all the other Provinces and
places included in the Treaty of Partition, also prepared to
maintain themselves as parts of the Spanish Kingdom, and
manifested their intention of adhesion to the new king.

In the mean while great preparations were made in
France, and troops began to take new positions on the
frontiers ; which gave particular offence to Holland, and
was the subject of urgent remonstrance.

All the other powers of Europe seemed apparently to

WILLIAM'S LETTER TO HEINSIUS.

I OS

concur with the bequest of the King of Spain, and made,
at first, no change in their friendly relations.

Even William III. seemed to acquiesce; and actually,
under pressure of the general sentiment then prevailing in
England, which preferred the accession of Philip to the
adoption of the Treaty of Partition, sent a letter of con-
gratulation to the new king : but his mind was made up for
war ; and he made active preparations for it ; in which he
was to a certain extent seconded by his Parliament ; and in
July, 1701, he sent 10,000 troops and twenty ships to
Holland.

William thus wrote to Heinsius, the Grand Pensionary,
on Nov. 16, 1700, in relation to the acceptance, by
France, of the Succession.

" I doubt not but this unheard-of proceeding in France
will astonish you as much as it did me. I never relied
much on engagements with France ; but must confess, I
did not think they would, on this occasion, have broken, in
the face of the whole world, a solemn treaty before it was
well accomplished. The motives alleged in their memorial
to the British minister at Paris are so shameful, that I
cannot see how they can have the effrontery to produce
such a paper. We must confess we are dupes : but if one's
word and faith are not to be kept, it is easy to cheat any
man. The worst is, it brings us into the greatest embarrass-
ment, particularly when I consider the state of affairs here :
for the blindness of the people here is incredible. For
though this affair is not public, yet it was no sooner said
that the King of Spain's will was in favor of the Duke of
Anjou, than it was the general opinion, that it was better
for England that France should accept the will than fulfil
the treaty of Partition. I think I ought not to conceal this
from you, in order that you may be informed of the senti-
ments here that are contrary to mine. For I am perfectly
persuaded, if this will be executed, England and the
Republic are in the greatest danger of being totally lost or
ruined. I will hope that the Republic understands it thus,
and will exert her whole force to oppose so great an evil.
It is the utmost mortification to me, in this important

io6 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

affair, that I cannot act with the vigor that is requisite, and
set a good example ; but the Republic must do it ; and
T will engage people here, by a prudent conduct, by degrees,
and without their perceiving it."

There was no doubt about the sentiments of the House
of Austria, as to the action of the French King. The
Emperor, since the promulgation of the will, had maintained
a threatening attitude, presaging the coming storm ; and see-
ing that war was imminent and that negotiations would be
useless, in July, 1701, gave to Villars, the French Ambassa-
dor, his congi for departure from Vienna ; he had thereto-
fore, in November, 1700, sent to the Spanish Junta a for-
mal protest against the will of Charles. Matters with
England, however, were now precipitated. Louis boldly
threw a gauntlet to her, by recognizing the son of her
exiled King, James, as King of England. This was a
menace which the spirited and warlike William could not
tamely brook. The recognition of the Pretender was made
immediately on the decease of James II. ; which occurred
at St. Germain, in September, 1701, By the Peace of Rys-
wick William had been acknowledged by France as King
of England, and this i-ecognition of the son of James, as
king, was a virtual infraction of that Treaty.

Louis also irritated Holland into immediate angry oppo-
sition, by intriguing with the Spanish court for the annexa-
tion of the Spanish Netherlands to France ; and, finally,
defied all Europe and tore all previous compacts to the
winds, when he declared, through letters patent, that his
grandson, in his due right, was still a presumptive successor to
the crown of France. This declaration has been considered
a great political mistake ; and gave a new and grave offence
to England, Holland and Germany.

Louis issued, also, a not very plausible circular letter to
the courts of Europe justifying his action in recognizing
the Pretender, as James III. ; taking the ground that it was
a mere honorary title, and that it really marked no hostility
to England, as he was not going to judge between the re-
spective rights of William and the Pretender, nor take any
steps to restore the latter ; but intended, merely, to extend

POLICY OF LOUIS.

107

to him his protection and shelter, during his exile. He
claimed that he had not violated the actual terms of the
Treaty of Ryswick, which were, merely, to the effect, as he
alleged, that France would not trouble William in the peace-
able possession of his royal estates ; and that William's con-
duct in uniting with the enemies of the French, and the
despatch and preparation of troops and fleets, was a much
more flagrant violation of the provisions pi the Treaty of
Ryswick than any recognition of the Pretender.

That recognition was, doubtless, a stroke of policy, on
the part of Louis, rather than a blunder or a mere act of
complimentary hospitality : he was too wise a king to take
so serious a step without deep design. He saw that war
was certain, under any circumstances, between France and
England ; and that, by formally acknowledging the Preten-
der, as King, he would strengthen the Stuart faction in
Great Britain, and thereby foment dissensions there, and
give encouragement to a large party hostile to William,
who were ready, at any moment, for an outbreak.

CHAPTER XII.

Attitude of the other Powers of Europe against France. — The Electors
of Cologne and Bavaria. — Action of HoUand.^Louis takes posses-
sion of the Frontier Towns of the Netherlands, and removes the
Dutch Troops. — Hesitation of Holland to declare War. — Attitude of
Savoy. — The Elector of Brandenburg. — The Circles of the Empire. —
Extract from a Pamphlet of the Time. —The Pope, Venice, Genoa
and the Italian Princes.

The ■determination of Louis XIV. to accept the Spanish
succession for his grandson, under the will of the deceased
Spanish king, excited a profound sensation in Europe.

The event seemed fraught with political disturbance and
presaged evil.

The courts of the great States deeply revolved the ques-
tions dependent on the situation, and the unfortunate peo-
ple of the various countries interested in the question, who
were to be the actual men to be moved on the chess board
of international contest, apprehended, with alarm, another
general and terrible war which, to them, whosoever might
succeed, would bring nothing but misery and disaster.

In the mean while, an immediate strengthening of forces
and marching of troops to their respective frontiers took
place, on the part of each Power, in anticipation of the
action of others ; while each doubted what course to take,
and looked about for allies for the contest that was now
lowering over Europe.

Louis immediately sounded the Courts of Europe, seek-
ing their support ; and opened negotiations with Portugal,
Savoy, the Duke of Holstein, and several of the minor
German States. In the mean time, while awaiting the
course of events, France prepared herself, on all sides — reg-
iments were filled — fortresses were strengthened — horses
and munitions of war were supplied, and large bodies of
troops were concentrated in French Flanders. The Elect-

io8

ATTITUDE OF HOLLAND. log

ors of Bavaria and of Cologne, who were Uncles of the
Duke d'Anjou, with little hesitation, ranged themselves
by the side of France ; although the situation of their
States made them particularly exposed to the calamities
and losses of war.

The Archbishop of Cologne was an Elector of the Em-
pire, and controlled, besides Cologne and the surrounding
district, Liege, Miinster and Hildesheim : the towns in his
dominions were strongly fortified, and as a German poten-
tate, he could bring into the field an army of 20,000 men.
The position of his territories also were of important strat-
egic value, near the borders of the Netherlands, Holland,
and the North German States, and he commanded, at many
points, the passage of the Rhine. The Chapter of Cologne
was indisposed, at first, to take sides. The Elector had
placed levies of men in the domains of the Chapter, and
thereby violated certain of its territorial rights. The Chap-
ter made formal protest ; to which the Elector made reply
that the protest was impertinent and scandalous, imposed
a new and onerous tax upon the community, and, con-
trary to the wishes of the people, admitted French troops
into certain places in the city of Cologne and also in the
Citadel of Liege.

And yet, the Electoral Archbishop claimed, that in case
of war, he would maintain a strict neutrality — playing at
first a double part. The Chapter of Cologne was after-
wards taken under the protection of the Emperor, as
against its Elector.

The attitude of Holland was at first not clear: the
States General giving no assurance of friendship to the
French minister at their Court, he was promptly recalled
by Louis. In the letter of recall he states that it was done,
" Seeing the little result following the conferences you
have demanded of us, and which you have since so often
interrupted." The Dutch States made a very polite and
respectful, although probably a sarcastic answer ; express-
ing a hope that the French minister would remain so as to
finish negotiations.

The French considered this response a ruse to gain time

1 10 THE HISTORY OF A GREA T TREA TY.

to prepare for war ; which was, doubtless, its purpose.
Louis anticipated the action and discontent of the Dutch,
and not being able to gain them sought to terrify. His
troops passed into the Netherlands, orders having been
give to BoufHers, who was on the watch at Lisle, in French
Flanders, to remove the Dutch troops who had been sta-
tioned on the frontier.

These Dutch troops were in occupation of certain for-
tresses in Flanders, Hainault and Luxembourg belonging
to Spain, which were supposed to constitute the " barrier "
of the Dutch against France. These fortresses were Lux-
embourg, Namur, Charleroi, Mons, Ath, Nieuport, and
Oudenarde; and were occupied by the Dutch, in accord-
ance with the provisions of the Treaty of Ryswick. The
French, with the concurrence of the Elector of Bavaria,
who was Governor of the Spanish Netherlands, removed
these Dutch troops by strategy and misrepresentations,
and occupied the fortresses. They allowed the Dutch
forces to withdraw — not being desirous to provoke hostili-
ties by making them prisoners. This removal of the Dutch
troops was a matter of great mortification to William. He
thus wrote to Heinsius in Feb., 1701 : "You can well
imagine what chagrin this event causes me. For twenty-
eight years I have worked without cessation, sparing
neither fame nor perils to preserve this barrier of the Re-
public: and now all this is lost, in a single day; and with-
out a blow struck ! " The French then threw up works
near Antwerp, and occupied a. camp at Bichelles, within
the jurisdiction of Holland, in order to take possession of
Maestricht, which the garrison, who had been bribed, was
to deliver to them.

Holland, even after the removal of her troops from the
barrier, although much exasperated, hesitated to take a
final step, on account of her commercial risks ; but, actu-
ated by past souvenirs of French aggression, and appre-
hending new dangers from the Franco-Spanish alliance,
she finally ranged herself with England and Austria, and
the Treaty of the " High Alliance," signed at the Hague,
on 7th September, 1701, resulted.

FREDERIC PROCLAIMED KING OF PRUSSIA. m

The Duke of Savoy inclined to the side of the French
and Spaniards ; and, for a subsidy, agreed to furnish troops
for the defence of Milan : a proposition for the marriage
of his second daughter to the King of Spain, doubtless,
much influenced his action ; and, toward the close of the
year, he took the chief command of the French and Span-
ish troops, in Italy.

The future action of the powerful Elector of Branden-
burg, son of the great Elector, was looked forward to with
much interest. He had recently proclaimed himself as
King of Prussia. In his proclamation he states, " Since
Providence has willed that the Duchy of Prussia be raised
into a kingdom, and that her sovereign, the most serene and
most powerful Prince Frederic, become its king, this is now
made known to all, by this Proclamation."

This proclamation was publicly made throughout Prus-
sia in January, 1701 : and the promise of the Emperor to
recognize the new king was a controlling argument deter-
mining the latter to take sides against France. The Pope,
Clement XL, made a protest against this act as impious
and inimical to the Roman Catholic religion, claiming that
the Holy See had solely the right to create new kingdoms.
This protest, of course, the Elector derided, and promised
immediate assistance to the Emperor, on being recognized
by the latter as King of Prussia.

The circles of the Empire were for some time in doubt •,
they inclined, at first, to an armed neutrality. They were
sought to be influenced in the interests both of France and
the Emperor ; the Duke of Hanover was promised an Elec-
torate, and the Prince of Baden was to be made commander
of the troops to be provided by the German Princes. All
manner of squibs, pamphlets and circulars were issued at
this period of doubt ; one of them, in opposition to the
war, it may be interesting to peruse, as showing the peace
sentiment existing.

"Stranger. — 'Ah ! Madame, in what a pitiable state do
I find you. I expected to see, from afar, the cortege of a
great queen ; and the nearer I approach, the more do you
seem to me worthy of compassion.'

112 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Germany. — ' Friend, whoever you are, you see perhaps
the commencement of my funeral procession — ■

Stranger. — ' But what crime have you committed, to be
treated so harshly ? '

Germany. — 'Ask it of those who treat me so badly.'

Stranger. — ' My dear sir, tell me, I pray you — you are
dragging this poor woman by the hair — of what is she
guilty?'

Courtier. — ' Insolent rascal! — is this the way you speak to
the August Emperor, Leopold ?'

Stranger. — 'Pardon — Gentlemen, I am a stranger: I
never would have known him ; but still, I ask the August
Emperor Leopold, what has this poor woman done ?'

Emperor. — ' I want to make her give me Spain and Italy,
to give Flanders to the Dutch, and the Indies to my friend.
King William.'

Germany. — 'Alas ! with all the blood of my body poured
out, would it answer the injustice of thy demand ? '

Emperor. — ' Come, march on. Gentlemen — don't give her
time for reflection. Let her serve as a buckler for us
against the arms of our enemies.'

Germany. — ' Barbarian ! Will you then bathe in my
blood? Where are your treaties, where are your oaths ? ' "

The circles of Suabia and Franconia, both bordering on
France, at first entered into an arrangement for neutrality ;
and Fi-ance employed all its interest to bring the other
circles to the same mind.

As to the other minor States, the Pope wrote letters both
to the new King of Spain, and to the other Powers ; seek-
ing to mediate between them : with great astuteness, how-
ever, he avoided expressing his views or inclinations ; but
sent, variously, much holy benediction, and wrote to the
Emperor deprecating the horrors of the impending war, and
lamenting that his mediation seemed useless ; in the mean
while, however, he recognized Philip as King of Naples.

Venice held aloof, in armed neutrality, although the
Cardinal d'Estr6es had been sent, in the interest of the
French crown, to engage the Republic to prevent the en-
trance of the Imperial troops into Italy.

A TTITUDE OF ITALIAN PRINCES. 113

The Grand Duke, and the Dukes of Modena and Parma
and other Italian Princes, also assumed a neutral part ; as
also, Genoa, although they all favored the French.

The Duke of Mantua, on application of the French min-
ister, General Tess^, and in order to save aggression by the
troops of the Empire, opened his gates, and put the French
troops in occupation of the strongest fortress in Italy, under
the plea that he was compelled to do so by threats of a
forcible entry.

The Spanish and French troops also planted themselves
in other cities of Italy and awaited attack.

CHAPTER XIII.

Attitude of England as to the Succession. — ^William's War Sentiments.
— Opposition by the Tory Party to the War. — England's Forces in-
creased. — The Act of the " Protestant Succession " passed. — Effect
of the Recognition of the Pretender by Louis. — Change of Views
in England. — William's continued Efforts for War. — Address to
the Commons, and their Reply. — The Oath of Abjuration. — William
prepares for War. — Death of William. — Review of William's Career.
— His Hostility to France. — His Character and Disposition. — His
Qualities as a Soldier. — His last Words.

ATTITUDE OF ENGLAND.

The attitude of England and its probable action, in this
crisis of affairs, was a subject of deep concern to the Conti-
nental States.

The sentiments of KingWilliam were well known, and his
determined hostility to Louis had never been shaken. His
life-long opposition to that monarch was not the result of
prejudice but of principle : he felt himself, in his very hos-
tility, the champion of peace, and he fought Louis as a pes-
tilential and baneful man, wielding a dangerous power.

In England, however, William could not say, as Louis is
reported to have said in France, " L'^tat c'est moi" and
move government and people to his will, as mere puppets
of the crown.

A Free Parliament could restrain all movements of King
and Ministers ; and William, a comparative stranger in
England, found that his only safe policy was to act far
-within his prerogative, and to quietly influence, rather than
attempt to lead public opinion.

He deferred much to the sentiments of the people at
large, and appeared before them in the rdle of the Defender
of Protestantism against Papacy, and the Champion of the
Protestant succession:

114

DISPOSITION OF ENGLAND. 1 1 5

The general principles of the Tory party were in opposi-
tion to entanglement with foreign affairs. The Revolution
and the accession of William to the throne, however, had
placed him and the Whigs, who sustained his policy, in a posi-
tion that involved England with Continental political issues.
Whig policy had kept that country, as the Tories alleged,
in wars that were unnecessary, either for her honor or her
protection : the Dutch, they claimed, must make or protect
their own barrier ; and England had no direct concern in
the matter.

It was this Tory party that now came to the front ; and
contrary to the policy and wishes, not only of the Whigs,
but of the people at large, restricted the action of the Crown
and Ministers, and sought to influence public opinion tow-
ards peace. They passed measures, also, disbanding a
part of the army and cutting down the number to be main-
tained. Under these measures the Dutch troops in Eng-
land were removed, much to the discontent of the English
King. There existed, therefore, a strong and effective party
opposition against the aggressive foreign policy favored by
William and the Whigs, to engage England in the impend-
ing War of the Spanish Succession ; and much bitter and
hostile feeling was displayed in Parliament. The Tories
prevailed in the House of Commons, and attacked those
who had showed zeal in the regulation of Continental af-
fairs : and manifested a desire to acknowledge the accession
of Philip, as a substitute for the Treaty of Partition.

In accordance with William's earnest wishes, however, the
navy was augmented and put in a state of efificiency, and
additional troops were sent to Holland.

Although influencing the chiefs of the Whigs in his favor,
he could not, with all his efforts, so far influence Parliament
as to cause it to take any actual hostile attitude towards
France : the Commons however brought accusations against
those who had instigated or signed the Treaties of Parti-
tion ; and both William and the Dutch States, with no good
grace, as has been above related, finally brought them-
selves to acknowledge Philip of Anjou as the King of Spain,
in meaningless words of diplomatic satisfaction.

ii6 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

The voice of the People, however, was for war ; and peti-
tions and memorials to that effect poured into Parliament :
the English people sympathized with their heroic King, who
had proved, in many a field, his manhood, and fitness to
govern and protect a warlike nation.

In order to strengthen the Protestant cause and discour-
age the hopes of the partisans of the Stuarts, the Act of
Succession, lo Feb., 1701, was passed, establishing, after
the death of William and of Anne, the succession in Sophia,
Electress dowager of Hanover and her descendants, being
Protestants : the Electress was a granddaughter of James
I. ; her mother being Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia.

Although apparently yielding to the wishes of the Eng-
lish majority in Parliament, the secret design of William
was for immediate war : he began actively to set about the
accomplishment of his ardent desire. He prorogued the
Parliament, which he considered refractory to his views, so
as to have less opposition at home, and proceeded to Hol-
land, where had recently arrived 10,000 Irish troops, over
whom he placed Marlborough in command.

The war had already been begun in Italy. The Em-
peror had drawn the sword, and Prince Eugene and Catinat
were beginning hostilities. While apparently diverting
himself with hunting at his pleasure Palace at Loo, William
cautiously watched all the moves of the political chess
board, and studied out his plans for the impending contest
with his great adversary.

To stimulate a hostile feeling in England, William had
caused a memorial to be sent from the Dutch States setting
forth their apprehensions as to the designs of the French,
and claiming the support of Great Britain, according to a
treaty of alliance with that country, made in 1677, These
memorials became frequent, and were all supposed to have
been instigated by William, who continued ceaseless in his
endeavors to dispose the Commons and the country at
large towards war, in spite of all opposition.

While England was still in doubt as to her action, James
II. died on the i6th Sept., 1701 ; and his son, as has been

RECOGNITION BY LOUIS OF THE PRETENDER. 117

related above, was immediately recognized, by the King of
France, as James III. of England.

The day after the decease of James, a herald in his
official trappings, made his appearance before the Palace
gate of St. Germain, and to the sound of trumpets formally
proclaimed in Latin, French and English, the young Pre-
tender as King James the Third of England, and King
James the Eighth of Scotland.

When the news arrived in Holland, that Louis had recog-
nized the son of the deceased James as King of England,
William was in that country, and was at table with some
German Princes.

The news astounded them — they recognized in the act a
declaration of war. William did not at first utter a word,
except to announce the decease of James, but he is said to
have flushed" with rage, and pulled down his hat over his
face to conceal the emotion he felt. He sent immediate
orders to England to drive the French Ambassador, Pous-
sin, out of the kingdom without delay : the English Am-
bassador, Lord Manchester, had already quitted Paris,
without taking the usual diplomatic leave.

This direct menace was received with an indignant pro-
test throughout England — it was considered an insult and
affront to that kingdom, that Louis should dare to dictate
who should be its ruler — and addresses were sent from all
parts of the country to the King, of sympathy in his action,
and of indignation against France. William had now a
new and powerful pretext for war : in every way he fanned
the growing flame, but dared not act without Parliament :
he knew, however, that war was imminent, and returned to
England to urge his views, after arranging with the Dutch
a plan for opening hostilities, in the next year.

On his return to England, William urged on the Whigs
to prompt action ; — the act of Louis had exasperated even
the Tories, but had not yet determined them to declare
positive war.

William's address to Parliament was couched in strong
and plain language. A part of it was as follows :

" The owning and setting up the pretended Prince of

Il8 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Wales for King of England, is not only the highest' indig-
nity offered to me and the Nation, but does so nearly con-
cern every man who has a regard for the Protestant Relig-
ion, or the present and future quiet and happiness of his
country, that I need not press you to lay it seriously to
heart, and to consider what further effectual means may be
used for securing the possession of the Crown in the Prot-
estant line, and extinguishing the hopes of all Pretenders,
and their open and secret abettors.

" By the French King's placing his grandson on the
throne of Spain, he is in a condition to oppress the rest of
Europe, unless speedy and effectual measures be taken.
Under this pretence, he is become the real master of the
whole Spanish monarchy ; he has made it to be entirely
depending on France, and disposes of it, as of his own
dominions ; and, by that means, he has surrounded his
neighbors in such a manner, that, though the name of
peace may be said to continue, yet they are put to the
expense and inconvenience of war. It is fit I should tell
you, the eyes of all England are upon this Parliament ; all
matters are at a stand, till your resolutions are known ; and
therefore no time ought to be lost." He thus concludes:
" I will only add this, if you do, in good earnest, desire to
see England hold the balance of Europe, and to appear
indeed at the head of the Protestant interest, it will appear
by the present opportunity."

To this address the Commons made speedy reply, that
they " would support and defend his lawful and rightful title
to the Crown against the pretended Prince of Wales, and
all his adherents, and all other of his Majesty's enemies,
and they would enable his Majesty to show his just resent-
ment of the affront and indignity offered him and the Na-
tion by the French King."

This act of recognition of the Pretender caused the oath
or creed of abjuration to be enacted, which all members of
Parliament were obliged to take.

After an assertion of the right of William to the throne,
this declaration finished in these words, " And I conscien-
tiously believe, that the person who during the life of the

DEATH OF WILLIAM III. 1 19

late James II. was called Prince of Wales, and who, since
his death, pretends to be or who takes the title of King of
England, under the name of James III., has no right, name
or title to the crown of this Kingdom, and of its dependen-
cies ; and I declare, solemnly, that I renounce, refuse, and
abjure all allegiance or obedience to the said James, etc."

The recognition of the Pretender was the immediate
cause of determining England to the war, and Parliament
voted supplies when the national existence and rights were
threatened, which they had refused when a mere alliance
with the House of Austria, to support her claim, was
apparently William's object.

Just as his wishes were about to be fulfilled — sanguine
with the hope of meeting and crushing his arch enemy — with
ample means, and alliances that promised spccess, William
III. died in March, 1702, at the early age of 51, — ^his health
having been impaired by long cares and toil of body and
mind — and Queen Anne ascended the throne.

The alliances and preparations for the great struggle, had
been the result of nearly three years of negotiation, when
the master mind that promoted them was arrested — and, in
the dull repose of the grave, now lay, helplessly, the hand
of him that had long and unweariedly wielded the sword
against the disturber of the peace of Europe.

WILLIAM III.

So passed from the arena of European war and politics
one of the great men of the i6th century. His public ca-
reer began early.

It was in 1672, when most of the towns of Holland were
in the possession of the French forces led on by Turenne
and the great Cond^, and English and French fleets rav-
aged, bombarded and blockaded the coasts — while the little
Dutch army, as yet untrained in war, lay terrified and mo-
tionless, after successive defeats by French, English and
German forces — when France dictated terms of peace so
dishonorable that every Dutch heart spurned them, in dis-
dain — when dikes were broken, and sluices were opened,

120 THE HISTORY OF A GREA T TREATY.

rather than a surrender should be made of liberties and re-
ligion — when cattle and crops perished, and the rural people
fled for their lives to the beleaguered cities, that William,
then barely 23 years of age, was proclaimed Stadtholder
and Captain General, and boldly entered upon the great
trust of defending the honor and liberty of his country. In
this great contest with France, he displayed a fortitude and
a patriotism that showed his descent from his illustrious an-
cestors and stamped him as a hero in history. Steadfastly,
he subsequently opposed the gigantic power of France;
and for thirty years was the champion of the liberties of
Europe — the one man, who successfully checked the arro-
gant French King, set limits to his ambition, and foiled his
schemes.

Opposed, even as a young man, to the vast resources of
a king who had never known defeat, and to veteran troops
long accustomed to conquer, and to generals the most re-
nowned and experienced in Europe, he never shrank from
the contest.

Firm and persistent in his hostility to Louis, as in all the
great actions of his life, no danger intimidated, no disaster
disheartened him.

Relentless and inflexible, he moved like a minister of
fate, against him whom he deemed the scourge of religion
and humanity — impressed with the impulse of a power
from on high, and feeling his mission one of holiness as well
as patriotism.

William's character has been often analyzed and por-
trayed.

In manner he was cold, silent and undemonstrative ; re-
served and inaccessible even to his friends, his own self-re-
liance and self-consciousness seemed to require little coun-
sel, and called for few friendships. And yet, his disposition
was kindly and humane — and although stern as a king and
a general, mercy tempered his judgments and his generosity
often pardoned determined personal enemies.

His thoughtful and grave countenance indicated a mind
involved in serious concerns, which had no taste for the
pleasures of Courts or the pastimes of social life.

SKETCH OF WILLIAM'S CAREER. 121

Dispassionate and self-controlled in his actions — grave in
his demeanor — simple and severe in his tastes — rigid in his
own rules of conduct, but tolerant towards others — biassed
by no prejudices — actuated by no caprices, governed by no
passions and instigated by no ambitious views — he formed
a strong personal contrast to his great adversary, as he was
his great rival and counterpoise in European politics.

In his government of England still unsettled and malcon-
tent, and jealous of a foreign king — threatened by conspir-
acies — opposed by powerful factions, harassed by turbulent
Parliaments — his life attempted by assassins, and his confi-
dence betrayed by friends, he pursued an undisturbed ca-
reer ; and with a firm, calm, wisdom guided the great ship
of State, although wearied and ill of body, and afflicted in
spirit.

High-minded and honorable — although a skilled politi-
cian, and wise in all affairs of State, he never used false or
indirect means to further his aims, nor appeared other than
he was. He scorned deceit in public as well as in private
affairs, and he sought no success except that which open
action might bring.

When De Tallard, the French Minister at London, was
negotiating with William the terms of the first Treaty of
Partition, in writing to Louis of the progress of negotia-
tions, he gave, in these words, the strongest testimony of
the frankness and truth, that marked the dealings of this
truly great King. "The King of England acts with
good faith in everything. His way of dealing is upright
and sincere." And again, "The King of England has
hitherto acted with great sincerity ; and I venture to say
that, if he once enters into a treaty he will steadily adhere
to it." Louis also wrote back to Tallard, "I am, however,
as confident in the word of the King of England contained
in the -writing which he has given you, as if the treaty were
drawn upjin all formality."

Bishop Burnet, who knew him well, records that William
scouted at a well formed plan to inveigle on board a ship
and kidnap James, and then send him to Italy or Spain,
when the latter was forming his army in Ireland — a plan

122 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

which promised success, and would have brought the war
to a speedy close. "William, however," Burnet states,
" who scorned underhand actions, said he would have no
hand in treachery."

Unselfish in his aims he always rejected any advantages
personal to himself, that were offered to promote a public
result. Early in his career, he contemptuously repelled the
offers of the French King to give him a principality, on the
condition of abandoning his command, and betraying his
trust, as defender of his country, and he refused, always, to
make peace, no matter at what risk or loss to himself or his
estate, unless the public interests were to be served.

He also refused to entertain terms for a peace much de-
sired, and favorable to Holland, when it involved a deser-
tion of her allies.

His courage was of that high order, which shrunk from
no duty, and feared no peril. In battle he shared the com-
mon danger like the meanest soldier. Not merely content
with the direction of the field, sword in hand he fought
with the daring of a Homeric chief — ever foremost to lead,
and reluctant to leave the field.

With an army of not over i4,ocX) men he crossed from
Holland to England in the midst of tempestuous seas —
threatened by navies and armies, and, unwelcome to half
the people of Great Britain, he revolutionized that country,
and boldly pushed his way to the Crown.

At Neerwinden, in desperate attempts to rally his flying
troops, and arrest the progress of the enemy, three times
was he struck by musket balls, while sword in hand, at the
head of two of his regiments, he drove seven regiments of
the enemy before him.

At the battle of the Boyne, he was struck in the shoulder
by a cannon ball — one bullet struck the cap of his pistol,
another carried off the heel of his jackboot, while his horse
almost sunk with him in the muddy river, as he charged
through the water, managing his bridle with his wounded
arm, and led his men, sword in hand, into the thickest of
that desperate struggle.

In his campaigns, while seldom successful in the open

SURVIVAL OF WILLIAM'S POLICY. 123

field he was always ready for action, and never hesitated to
attack ; in the midst of defeat, by his strategy and energy,
he kept the enemy's forces at bay, disconcerted their plans,
and deprived them of their advantages — and ever indomit-
able, gathered new resources after defeat.

When William was on his death-bed, although his end
was dignified and resigned, the ruling passion — opposition
to French aggression, was still strong in his mind : " I am
fast," said he to his sorrowing friends, " drawing to my
end. You know that I have never feared death ; there
have been times when I should have wished it ; but now
that this great new prospect, (the impending war,) is open-
ing before me, I do wish to stay here a little longer."

Stern man of war that he was, two great feelings had
also prominence in his heart as he died — the one was
friendship — the other conjugal love. His last request was
that Bentinck should bend down over his bed, that he
might whisper his last words of a friendship which had
endured through life. When his remains were laid out,
around his arm was found a small black silk ribbon ; it
contained a gold ring, and a lock of the hair of Mary.

Opposition to France was provided for: he had appointed
the Earl of Marlborough to succeed him, as general of the
forces against France ; a man whose abilities he had dis-
cerned, and on whom he relied, in spite of the suspicion of
many treacheries, to carry on the bitter contest.

Such was the force of his character, that William's prin-
ciples and policy survived him. His decease made no
radical change, and his spirit still moved the Alliance of
the great Powers, long after his physical presence ceased to
animate their councils and stir their resolves.

Marlborough, Prince Eugene and Heinsius were imbued
with his sentiments, and inherited his views. England,
Germany and Holland were retained in a permanent accord
by their action ; and their stern will kept up a hostility to
France, as determined and relentless as that of the master
hand, whose vital force had been checked, in mid career,
as he was, for the last time, marshalling his forces for the
field.

124 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

On the decease of William, Louis was well aware of the
endurance of the English King's principles, as to opposi-
tion to France.

He testifies to this, in writing to Marsin, his minister to
Spain, warning him to be still on his guard, and observing
to him that he had best disabuse himself of any hopes of
peace that events might suggest : — that William's maxims
and ideas were still prevalent and that all his projects were
still to be encountered ; and, that, it was necessary still to
counteract them, by endeavoring to persuade England and
Holland that peace was preferable to a war that would be
ruinous and without any good result to them.

CHAPTER XIV.

The Duke of Anjou departs for Spain. — Farewell to his Relatives. —
Address to him by Louis. — The appearance and character of Philip. —
Private Instructions to him from Louis. — Enthusiasm of the Span-
iards.— Philip declines the Compliment of an Auto-da-fe. — Calamity
on the entry of Philip into Madrid. — Prognostics of evil. — Banish-
ment of the late Queen. — State of Spain.

PHILIP V.

The young King Philip, then about seventeen years of
age, had set out, on the 4th December, 1700, for Spain, to
assume the cares and bear the heavy burdens of the crown,
which had been so long the subject of bitter contention,
and which was to be the " apple of discord " for Europe.

He crossed the Bidassoa, the dividing line between
France and Spain, on the 22d January, 1701 : and bade an
affectionate farewell to his two brothers, who had accom-
panied him to the frontier. He had taken leave of his
royal grandfather, his father and others of his friends and
kin at Sceaux, who, with tears, bade him farewell ; and
then it was, that Louis, in giving his final exhortation that
he should live in peace and good-fellowship with the French
princes of the blood, and in hopes of prolonged peace
between the two kingdoms, uttered the memorable excla-
mation " Henceforward, there will be no more Pyrenees ! "

Philip entered Madrid on February 18, 1701, under every
demonstration of joy.

All the Provinces, States and Colonies of Spain, in both
hemispheres, hastened to send expressions of congratula-
tion and submission to their new sovereign. Louis had
long since gained over the Viceroy of Naples, and the
Prince of Vaudemont, Governor of Milan.

Philip, Duke of Anjou, son of the Dauphin, and now
King of Spain, as Philip V., had been brought up carefully

126 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

and purely in the midst of the dissolute French court. He
was docile and gentle by nature, and of strong religious
feeling. The great feature of his education had been awe
of his grandfather and an entire devotion to his will.

He was, naturally, timid, and was deficient in self-reli-
ance and self-assertion, which his subsequent conduct de-
veloped.

To teach him to reign, his grandfather not only gave him
long written instructions, but placed those about him who
were able and wise to guide and direct his youthful hand.

The written instructions of his grandfather to the young
king were full of good sense, sound judgment, and excel-
lent morality. Among the maxims or apothegms were the
following : " Do not fail in any of your duties, especially
those toward God. Keep yourself in the purity of your
education, and declare yourself, on all occasions, in favor of
virtue and against vice. Love your wife and live well with
her. Ask one from God — one that may suit you. Love
the Spaniards and all the subjects attached to your crown
and your person. Do not prefer those who most flatter
you : but esteem those who, for your good, are not afraid
of your displeasure ; those will be your true friends.
Make your subjects happy, and, in that view, enter on no
war unless you are forced to it, and for which you have
well considered the reason in your council. Try to restore
your finances, look well to the Indies, and your fleets and
your commerce. Live in great accord with France ; noth-
ing being so good for our two States as this union, which
nothing can resist^ After many other special exhortations,
and much advice as to his future policy and conduct, Louis
recommended Philip to put his full confidence in the Car-
dinal Portocarrero, and also, in the Duke d'Harcourt,
who accompanied the young King, and to avoid all inter-
course with the former Queen, and to watch her conduct ;
recommending him, also, to be liberal to the Spaniards, and
not to ridicule their customs, appearance or manners ; and
he thus concludes : " Never forget your parents, and the
pain that they have had in parting from you ; and, above
all, never forget that you are a Frenchman, whatever may

LOUIS' ADVICE TO PHILIP. 127

happen to you." The exhortation closes as follows : " I
finish by one of the most important counsels I can give
you — Do not let yourself be governed by anybody — be the
master. Never have a favorite 7ior a first minister. Con-
sult your council and obtain its views, but decide for your-
self. God who has made you a king will give you all the
lights necessary for you so long as your intentions are up-
right." At a subsequent time Louis wrote : " Inform me
frankly of your thoughts and your troubles. I will give you
my advice with the same sincerity ; but I do not see what
good it does you, under the fear that you have of ever com-
ing to a decision. It seems to me that I have, several
times, written you to overcome such fears. I would be
glad to hear, some day, that you spoke as if you were mas-
ter ; and to hear no longer that people had to advise you,
on even the smallest matters. It is almost better to make
some slight mistakes, in acting for yourself, than to avoid
them, by following closely the views of others. You see I
am very far from reproaching you for having too good an
opinion of yourself. I assure you I would be content if
you would truly begin to govern your-kingdom. It will
require a long reign and great cares to establish order in
your kingdom, and to insure the fidelity of the different
people of your dominions — some far removed and accus-
tomed to obey a dynasty different from your own. If you
have thought it an easy and agreeable thing to be a king
you are much mistaken. It will require much wisdom and
you will require many favors from God to safely control
these people of different characters, and all difficult to
govern."

Louis kept on advising the young king 4tQm time to
time, and he was assisted by Frenchmen of experience, that
had been sent to remain with him, as his counsellors, under
the great task entrusted to him of governing a large part
of two continents.

The announcement of the choice of the Duke of Anjou
as his successor by Charles, had been received with enthu-
siasm by the Spaniards. Great apprehension had been at
first manifested by them, as to whether Louis would accept

128 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

the will, or would prefer to permit his grandson to take only
a portion of the Spanish dominions, and allow the other
Powers to take their shares, according to the Treaty of Par-
tition. The Spaniards dreaded nothing so much as the
dismemberment of their great empire.

Philip was therefore received with loud and universal
demonstrations of joy and respect : triumphal arches were
erected, and the houses were hung with brilliant draperies
and banners. For a distance of fifteen miles from Madrid
the road was covered with carriages and vehicles filled with
ladies and courtiers richly dressed. He entered the royal
capital accompanied by the Duke D'Harcourt, the Marquis
de Louville, and a few other French nobles, and was re-
ceived by the Junta and Grandees, among the foremost of
whom was the Cardinal Portocarrero, who • is said to have
wept with joy at the success of his political design, and who
looked forward to becoming the Richelieu of the new
reign.

The good qualities and amiable disposition of Philip,
his pleasing appearance,, his fair face, and grave and digni-
fied although gracious manners, all served to deepen the
enthusiasm of the Spaniards for the chivalrous young mon-
arch, who was to bring them peace and union with France,
heretofore their great enemy, and who, defying the dan-
gers in which his acceptance might involve him and exiling
himself forever from his native country, had come to cast
his fortunes and his life with them.

To display their great content, and in his glorification,
they announced to him, as an extreme and special testi-
monial, the preparation of an auto-da-fi, to be celebrated
on the day of his entrance ; the Holy Inquisition having
hunted up three unfortunate Jews for the fista, who were
to be burned for the new monarch's entertainment. But the
king refused to receive this tribute of Spanish loyalty and
taste ; and his gentleman of the chamber and friend, M. de
Louville, curtly responded to the invitation, that " Kings
only looked upon criminals when they pardoned them."*

* History informs us, however, that during Philip's reign many hun-
dreds of heretics were burned by the " Holy Inquisition."

IMPOVERISHED CONDITION OF SPAIN. 1 29

Amid the universal joy two occurrences caused the Span-
iards, prone to all sorts of superstitious influences, to
tremble for the prosperity of the new reign. More than
sixty persons, among them priests, women and children,
had been crushed, and perished in the crowd that awaited
the arrival of the king, and witnessed the procession of his
entrance into Madrid. The king, too, it was remarked,
had entered Madrid on a Friday, a day full of terror to all
true believers — and much that was sinister and sad was
presaged.

One of the first acts of Philip was against the late Queen.
Fearing that she might raise up a German party, she was
compelled to leave the capital, and banished from the
court, together with her confessor and the confessor of the
late King.

The ambition of Portocarrero was at first gratified by
being in full charge and control of the state and all its
dignities. In no long time, however, he, as well as the late
queen, was banished from the court, and they mourned
together over the results of their treason to the Austrian
party.

Amid all the glitter and show of the entrance and corona-
tion there was a dark side. The nation was in a state of
penury and misery. The navy had disappeared — there was
only a remnant of an army, estimated at not more than
20,000 men — the Provinces were without garrisons and
defence — the magazines without stores or arms..

The people, too, were impoverished and discontented,
and irritated against the ruling classes, by reason of recent
sufferings through famine. The nobles, too, were disqui-
eted — and many, for purposes of economy ,'were removed
from their places. The promise of happiness for the new
reign was not great, especially in view of the threatening
attitude of Spain's former allies.

Philip and the sagacious Frenchmen sent with him, there-
fore, found it no easy task to establish the new dynasty in
Spain. The people were in a turbulent condition, the
grandees complained, the nobles were arrayed against each
other — demanding each other's disgrace ; and cabals were
9

130 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

soon forming — some in the interest of the House of Aus-
tria. The Treasury, too, was empty — for the gold and
silver from the Indies was purloined by the Jesuits or the
statesmen — a dull routine reigned everywhere, and Spanish
prejudices, etiquette, and ceremonies were obstacles to all
reform, and clogged the administration. In the words of a
French writer, " Philip found a true oligarchy, composed of
persons united by pride, divided by ambition, and para-
lyzed by sloth : " and, it may be added, composed of beg-
gars, of every description. The place-holders who had been
discharged, even the cooks and the bevy of dwarfs, without
which an old Spanish court was never complete, began to
clamor loudly against the new rule, and one of the leading
peers was arrested under suspicion of a plot to poison the
king. The Pope, too, interfered, claiming the return of the
Grand Inquisitor who had been exiled ; and the Jesuits
claimed the place of King's confessor with extraordinary
privileges as partial Secretary of State.

" Nothing can exceed," wrote the Marquis de Louville,
to De Torcy, in Feb., 1701, "the affection which this peo-
ple testify for the King, of whom thpy make a sort of idol,
and, if that only lasts, we will have nothing to desire. One
thing, however, troubles me — that is, they have formed
such extraordinary hopes for this new government, that
unless God sends one of his angels, it is difficult to fulfil
them. That a kingdom that is gangrened, from one end to
the other, should be re-established, in a short time, is a
vision, or rather a folly ; but it is that of all people who
always complain under the best government, and, of
course, more still, under the others."

CHAPTER XV.

Compacts of the Allies and Declarations of War. — Manifesto of the ,
Emperor and Compact with England and Holland of 1701. — Com-
pact with Prussia. — Influence of Marlborough, and Declaration of
War, by England. — Forces to be raised by the Allies. — Manifesto
by Holland. — Formal Declaration of War by the Emperor, and Cir-
cles of the Empire. — Compacts with other German States. — Declar-
ation of War by France. — The Electors of Bavaria and Cologne. —
The War, 1701-1703. — Prince Eugene's success in Italy. — Marl-
borough's prompt action. — Capture, by him, of Fortresses on the
Maas. — Vend6me's successes in Italy. — War on the Rhine. — ^Insur-
rection in the Cevennes. — Holstein, Portugal and Sweden enter the-
Alliance. — Cession of Spain to the Archduke, and his Manifesto^ —
Savoy joins the Alliance. — War on the Rhine.

COMPACTS OF THE ALLIES AND DECLARATIONS OF WAR.

The war clouds were now rapidly gathering over Europe,
and the great Powers opposed to France began to take
concert for alliance. England, Holland and Denmark had
already, in January,' 1701, in anticipation of trouble, united
in a defensive compact. The Emperor, who had made a
formal protest to all Europe against the acts of the French
King and his grandson, (June, 1701,) had also entered into
a formal treaty of alliance, in September, 1701, with Eng-
land and Holland, for the redress of all their grievances
against France, and to resist any further aggressive action
on the part of" the French Monarch.

The Manifesto of the Emperor strongly asserted his right
to the Spanish Crown. It recites that the will of Charles
n. was made when he was of feeble mind, and that he was
forced to sign it by those in the French interest. It recites
also the renunciations of the French queens, and the com-
pacts against the union of the two crowns made between
Spain and France. It thus concludes :

" Now whatever trickery or violence may have been, thus

131

132 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

far, carried on, or maybe hereafter, God, who is the author,
the witness and the preserver of treaties, will assist the just-
ice of my cause — the Princes and States of Europe, and,
particularly, the protectors and guarantors of the Peace of
the Pyrenees and other treaties, will rise to repress this
immeasurable greed of the House of Bourbon."

" The People, themselves, who detest the strange hand
of the foreigner that now oppresses them, remembering the
kindness of the House of Austria, which they have proved
through many centuries, and remembering their own duty,
will soon openly return to their obedience ; and the perfid-
ious violators and infractors of justice, and their tyrants,
and all their adherents, satellites and ministers will not,
most assuredly, escape the divine and human punishment
that awaits them."

The Treaty of Alliance, of Sept., 1701, above referred to,
made between the Emperor of Germany, the King of Eng-
land and the States General of the United Provinces, states
that the Emperor declares that the succession to the king-
doms and provinces of the deceased King (Charles H. of
Spain) do lawfully belong to his "August house."

It also recites the seizure of the " Monarchy or inherit-
ance of Spain by his most Christian majesty, desiring to
have the said succession for his grandson, the Duke of
> Anjou, and alleging that it comes to him, of right, by virtue
of a certain Will of the deceased King of Spain." It also
declares, that by virtue of this seizure, " there is a great
probability that his Imperial Majesty can never hope to
have any satisfaction made for his pretensions ; and will
lose all his claim to his fiefs in Italy, and the Spanish
Netherlands ; as also the English and Dutch will lose their
liberty of commerce and navigation in the Mediterranean,
the Indies and other countries ; and that the United Prov-
inces will be deprived of the security they enjoyed by the
interposition of the Provinces of the Spanish Netherlands
between them and France, commonly called the Barrier.
•Lastly, it states that the French and Spaniards will become,
in a short time, so formidable, that they will easily put all
Europe under their subjection and dominion. The com-

THE TREATY OF ALLIANCE. 133

pact, thereupon, declares that the Alliance is formed to
meet a great and common danger, and that if satisfaction
cannot be obtained for the Emperor and the other parties,
" within two months, by amicable arrangement, the confed-
erates are to assist each other with all their forces, to
recover from the French King the Spanish Low Countries,
which he had recently seized, as also Milan, Naples, Sicily
and the lands of Tuscany, that belong to the Spanish do-
minions, and also all Spanish possessions in the Indies."

In case war ensues, the Treaty of Alliance further re-
quires mutual support and communication of plans, and
that no peace shall be made unless jointly ; and, in no event,
" Unless care be taken by proper measures, that the king-
doms of France and Spain shall never come and be united
under the same government : nor that one and the same per-
son shall be king of both kingdoms."

This treaty was signed at the Hague, the 7th of Septem-
ber, 1701, by the plenipotentiaries or delegates of the three
confederating parties ; among them was (as he is termed in
the treaty), "The most noble, most illustrious, and most
excellent Lord, the Lord John, Earl of Marlborough, Gen-
eral of the Foot and commander-in-chief of his said Royal
Majesty's Forces in the Low Countries, his Ambassador
Extraordinary, Commissary, Procurator and Plenipoten-
tiary." Anthony Heinsius, " Counsellor and Pensionary of
the Lords of the States of Holland and West Friezeland," a
most bitter and persistent foe to France, was also a signer,
with others, on the part of Holland.

On March 22, 1702, an additional Article was added to
the compact of 1701, reciting that, as Louis had recognized
the son of James II. as Prince of Wales (and King), no
peace should be made with France until due reparation by
her for such an atrocious injury.

The Elector of Brandenburg, Frederick III., had already
concluded a treaty in November, 1700, by which the Em-
peror Leopold agreed to recognize him as King of Prussia,
on condition of his furnishing 10,000 men to the impending
war. He was crowned King on i8th January, 1701.

Prussia now came out openly for the allies. In Decern-

134 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

ber, 1701, and January, 1702, a treaty was made by Prussia,
by which she. was to supply for the war socx) veteran
troops — Holland and England each to pay one-half of their
maintenance.

There was no indisposition to withhold aid from the
Dutch on the part of Queen Anne, but she hesitated to
make any formal declaration of war.

Marlborough, however, now generalissimo of the forces
in Holland, anxious to bring matters to a point, in view of
the dangers of delay, having arranged military plans with
the Dutch, employed all his personal influence to decide
the Queen for open war. Both Marlborough and his wife
were high in the favor of Anne, and, in fact, directed her
political conduct. He so used his powers of persuasion,
being, as we are told, a man of most winning and persuasive
manners, that the Queen and the majority of the Council
yielded to his views, and decided to follow the counsels of
the late King ; consequently, war was formally declared on
the 4th of May, 1702 ; and Marlborough went again to Hol-
land as generalissimo, with the additional powers of Ambas-
sador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary. Forty thousand
British troops were to be provided to fight the French —
besides those who were to be sent to contend with the
Spaniards in Portugal: the Fleet was to consist of 120 men-
of-war. The Empire and the combined German States were
to furnish upwards of 120,000 men, and the Dutch were
to contribute 102,000, including 10,000 Hessians in their
pay-
To raise so large a body of troops and sailors in Great
Britain as was required for a war so prolonged and desper-
ate as this one promised to be, was no easy task. The re-
cruiting officer was busy throughout the land — a great
sweep of the vagrant, and even many of thejcriminal classes
was made. Many were compulsorily enlisted — imprisoned
debtors were allowed to avoid their imprisonment, and
willingly exchanged gloomy prison walls for the stirring
life of the camp ; and many a genteel adventurer and
broken-down man about town was glad to enlist, with a
view to a changing phase of the jade Fortune ; and gave up

WA/! DECLARED. 135

the jingling of glasses and the rattling of dice for the merry
music of the fife and drum.

The Dutch also put forth a manifesto (May 8, 1702), de-
claring war against France and Spain, and charging Louis
with having vidlated the Treaty of Ryswick and the Treaty
of Partition, and that he had made attempts upon the lib-
erties of the Dutch States, with a view to universal empire.

The manifesto thus concludes : " Thus all laws, divine
and human, warrant our action ; and being, in effect,
blocked up, surrounded and besieged, on all sides, and in-
sulted and attacked by the Kings of France and Spain, and
seeing that we are menaced with so many dangers, we find
ourselves obliged to resort to the means that God and Na-
ture have put in our hands, for the defence of our subjects
and the preservation of their religion and liberty — and, in
consequence, to take up arms against the Kings of France
and Spain, who have combined to ruin and destroy us, and
to declare war against them, which we now do — trusting
that God, the all-powerful, will abundantly bless our just
cause, and the means we may employ."

The Emperor also put forth a formal declaration of war
(15th May, 1702), setting forth among other things the ac-
tion of Louis, in placing his grandson upon the throne of
Spain, notwithstanding all contracts of marriage, renunci-
ations, treaties of peace and present compacts. The Em-
peror called upon the Princes and States of the Empire to
join with him. The Estates of the Empire followed the
act of the Emperor, and on the 28th September published
their manifesto, declaring among other things, that Louis
had attacked the liberties of the German States, and sought
to weaken them with the idea of establishing an universal
Empire.

In March, 1702, the mutual treaty for protection had been
made between five circles of the Empire, viz.: the Circles
of the upper and lower Rhine, of Austria, of Franconia,
and of Suabia ; and stipulating to raise certain troops.

This compact was recognized by Queen Anne (i ith June,
1702), and the Circles were included in the Alliance. The
above five, only of the circles of the Empire at first joined

136 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

the Alliance : they were to furnish an army of 44,000 men.
The other circles, under the active influence of Austria,
followed, except that of which the Elector of Bavaria was
chief ; and the consolidated Empire finally declared war
against France, on the 30th of September, 1702.

In May, 1702, a convention had been made between
England and the Elector of Treves, by which the latter
entered into the Alliance to assist England and Holland,
they paying him annually 50,000 crowns — he to garrison
Ehrenbreitstein, Coblentz and Treves.

Compacts were subsequently entered into by Great
Britain, with the Elector Palatine, the Bishop of Miinster,
the Dukes of Brunswick-Luneburg, and of Hanover and
Zell, and other of the German States, for the supply of
troops for the war, on certain subsidies being paid by Great
Britain. Denmark was also to furnish 9000 troops.

Although the conflict at arms had been actually begun
in Italy, it was not until July 3, 1702, in defiance of all
the above manifestos and compacts, that Louis formally
declared war. He recites the aggressions of the Emperor,
his compacts with allies and preparations for war, and
actual hostilities commenced by him. He therefore, as
usual with all rulers, appeals for Divine protection, and
formally declares war against the Emperor, England and
Holland and their Allies. Besides the Electors of Bavaria
and Cologne, who were disposed to support France, there
were several of the smaller Princes, including the Dukes
of Brunswick-Wolfenbiittel, and of Saxe Gotha and the
Bishop of Munster. The Electors of Bavaria and Cologne
had made special treaties, Feb. and March, 1701, with
France, to assist in the impending war, and to prevent the
passage of the Imperial troops ; and the Elector of Bavaria,
who was Governor of the Spanish Netherlands, allowed the
French troops to station themselves in the Spanish Nether-
lands, as has been above related.

The Duke of Mantua was in the French interest, and
kept up a force of 6000 men to repulse the Imperialists in
case they should invade his dominions.

COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES. 137

Early in the Spring of 1702 camps of observation had
been established by the allies, one at Nymeguen, one on
the Rhine, one near Maestricht and another, composed of
English troops, between Breda and Berg-op-zoom.

THE WAR, 1 701 TO 1703.

It is not proposed, in a review of this character, to
endeavor to give a particular account of the great military
operations that, for twelve years, engaged the attention of
Europe, during the great War of the Spanish Succession.
A brief view of the principal events, in their order, will be
doubtless deemed sufficient. The Spanish generals and
governors in Italy and elsewhere in the Spanish domains,
having acknowledged the authority of the new King, on
his accession, hostilities with the troops of the Empire
immediately commenced. The Emperor began the attack,
claiming Milan as a fief of the Empire.

Prince Eugene suddenly gathered an army and pene-
trated into Italy; defeated the French at Carpi, a town in
the Veronese^ and occupied the territory between the
Adige and the Adda. He also defeated the French under
Villeroi, at Chiari. Villeroi had supplanted Catinat as
Commander-in-chief, and had been peremptorily ordered to
attack, by the French King, who was exasperated by the
defeats sustained by Catinat, and desired to maintain the
prestige of the French arms, and thus strengthen his
alliance with the Italian princes.

Marlborough, when he entered on the practical opera-
tions of the war, although never before in command of
great armies, showed the French generals that they were
to have no idle time.

Directness, method, and activity characterized his first
movements. He lost no time, but plunged at once into the
heat of the struggle, and soon Europe was aware that Eng-
land had, at last, a great General. He was at the head of
60,000 men which he had concentrated at Nymeguen. The
enemy, under Boufiflers and Catinat, were about ten miles
south-eastward, near Gennep : and, although Marlborough

138 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

was somewhat disposed to risk a pitched battle, the Dutch
Commissioners objected, not wishing the hazard of such a
step, which might lose Nymeguen, and the Rhine frontier.

The Earl of Marlborough, however, determining to strike
rapid and active blows, somewhere, concluded to attack all
the fortified places on the River Maas.

On the 26th July, 1702, he crossed the Maas ; and pro-
ceeding south and along that river, in a few months, took,
almost in the face of a French army of equal force, Venloo,
Roermonde, Stevensweert and Liege ; and defied the
French troops in the field. In the mean while Laudau had
been taken by the forces of the Empire, in September, 1702.

These rapid defeats at the hands of Marlborough were
humiliating to the French King, accustomed almost to
dictate success. His grandson, the Duke of Burgundy,
was in nominal command, and victories had been promised,
to add to the glory of the Royal House. The young
Duke, however, soon returned to Versailles, without the
promised laurels.

Marlborough, now created Duke, after his return from a
short visit to England, proceeded to take other fortresses
on the Maas. Huy surrendered, and subsequently Bonn,
on the Rhine, the residence of the Elector of Cologne.
Cologne was also taken possession of by the allied forces,
and its Elector, who sided with France, retired into that
country, and the affairs of the Electorate were administered
by the Chapter. The following ^*5ctract from an Address
by the City of London to Queen Anne shows the feeling
excited in England by these and subsequent successes.

" The Banks of the Danube will resound the name of the
Duke of Marlborough to all centuries — of that Duke who
by his courage and his conduct has by a vigorous blow
raised up the tottering Empire, succored Savoy, chastised
the Elector of Bavaria, and repressed the ambitious schemes
of the French King.

" We owe all these things after God to the mighty judg-
ment which your Majesty has manifested by the wise
choice you have made of this General."

The war raged violently, during the years 1702 and 1703.

PORTUGAL TAKES SIDES AGAINST FRANCE. 139

The principal theatres were Italy and the Netherlands. In
Italy, the Duke de Vendome compelled Prince Eugene to
raise the siege of Mantua and defeated General Visconti,
near St. Vittoria, and a bloody and indecisive battle was
fought, at Luzara. So great was the exultation in France
over these victories of Vend6me, that Louis, by special
letters to all his Bishops, directed Te Deums to be cel-
ebrated in all the churches of the Kingdom.

Marquis de Villars also defeated the Prince of Baden at
Friedlengen, in Oct., 1702 ; for which victory he received a
Marshal's baton, and Marquis Tallard took Treves and
Tarbach, in the Palatinate.

A great naval victory soon inspirited the allies. The
English fleet, under Admiral Rooke, on 22d October, en-
tirely destroyed, off Vigo, in the Galicia, the combined
French and Spanish fleet. •

In this year, 1702, the Protestant Insurrection that had
broken out in the Cevennes, acquired formidable propor-
tions and spread into the neighboring districts.

Large armies, headed by Marshals of France, were re-
quired, before, with terrible slaughter and revolting cruelty,
it could be brought to an end, which was not until towards
the close of the year 1704.

The allies now strengthened themselves by further sup-
port from Protestant Princes. In the Spring of 1703, a
convention had been entered into between England, Hol-
land, and the Duke of Holstein, by which the latter, for a
specified subsidy, was to furnish 2800 men for the war.

The Xing of Portugal had at first recognized Philip, and
in June, 1701, had made a treaty, guaranteeing him the
Spanish crown, and stipulated to shut his ports to all
Philip's enemies. Seeing the great naval preparations of
England and Holland, however, and much influenced by
the Admiral- of Castile, who had taken refuge in his domin-
ions, he subsequently thought it for his interest to unite his
fortunes with the allies, against France, and. entered the'
alliance by the treaty of Lisbon, made i6th May, 1703, with
England and Holland ; and also on the same day made a
treaty of alliance with the Emperor. Sweden also joined

14° THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

the alliance, and in August, 1703, a treaty of friendship was
made between Great Britain, Holland and Sweden, by
which Charles XII. bound himself, so soon as he might
make peace with Poland and Russia, to supply 10,000 troops
to the allies.

A treaty had been theretofore made (May, 1703) between
the confederate powers, by which the Archduke Charles
'was recognized as King of Spain, to the exclusion of the
elder son, Joseph, the heir apparent.

On the I2th of September, 1703, a formal cession of the
Crown and dominions of Spain was made by the Emperor
Leopold and his eldest son Joseph, to the Archduke Charles
Leopold. The nomination of the Archduke, as King, fur-
ther irritated the Spaniards, who rallied enthusiastically
about their new King, and joyfully took the oath of alle-
giance that was imposed in the principal cities of the King-
dom. In the mean while, the Archduke Charles, under the
name of Charles III., was publishing manifestoes, in Spain,
as if he were de facto monarch, asserting the validity of his
own claims, denouncing the ambition and dangerous policy
of Louis XIV., setting up the renunciations of the two
Spanish Princesses, wives of Louis XIII. and Louis XIV.,
as bars against the claims of their descendants, questioning
the validity of the will of Charles II., and protesting against
the position that he could, by his will, even if valid, change
the course of succession that had been settled by solemn
renunciations and treaties. At last the Duke of Savoy,
fearing an invasion of Austrian troops, and being disap-
pointed of the payment of his subsidies by France, turned
his back on Louis, and joined the alliance, 25th Oct., 1703 ;
leaving some of his troops in the hands of the French, who
disarmed them. Three years had now passed in forming
the great combination of all these powers against France.
Louis' letter to Victor Amadeus, the Duke of Savoy, was
as follows:

" Sir : Since religion, honor, interest, our alliance and
your own signature have gone for nothing, between us two,
I send you my cousin, the Duke of Vend6me, at the head

CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1702-1703. 141

of my armies, to explain my intentions to you. He will
give you 24 hours to make up your mind.

" Louis."

War was formally declared against Savoy, in Dec, 1703.
Prince Eugene says of the Duke of Savoy, " he was sordid,
ambitious, deceitful and implacable. He first sided with
the Emperor in the former war (169S), afterwards with
France, and then made a truce or treaty of neutrality, after
having- received subsidies from Germany and Holland
(1696)."

" His conduct," also says Eugene of him, "reminds me
of that formerly pursued by the Dukes of Lorraine, as well
as the Dukes of Bavaria. Their geography prevents them
from being men of honor."

In the year 1703 Marshal de Tallard retook Landau,
defeated the Prince of Hesse Cassel, near Spire, and put
the allied armies to the rout. The Imperial troops now, in
turn, invaded Bavaria ; but Marshal Villars, and the Elector
of Bavaria, having united forces, defeated the Imperial army
at Schweningen, and the Duke of Burgundy took Brisach,
(Sept., 1703), for which a special Te Deum, throughout
France, was celebrated.

Villars took Tongres, early in May, and Boufflers was
victorious over the Dutch at Eakern ; while, in Italy, the
Duke of Vendome and Marshal de Tessd took possession
of nearly all the Duchy of Savoy.

Late in the Autumn of the year 1703, however, the allies
became masters of Limburg and Gueldres. The results of
the war, in this year, were generally encouraging for France.

CHAPTER XVI.

War 1704 and 1705. — The Archduke goes to Spain, with an Army. — His
Manifesto to the Spaniards.— Taking of Gibraltar by the Eng-
lish. — War on the Danube.— Battle of Blenheim. — The French and
Bavarians driven over the Rhine. — Consternation at the French
Court. — Losses of the French. — Vendome successful in Italy. —
Siege of Gibraltar. — War in Spain. — The Electors of Bavaria and Co-
logne put under the Ban of the Empire. — War 1706 to 1708. — The
Battle of Ranaillies. — All Flanders open to the Allies. — Louis' speech
to Villeroi. — War in Italy and Spain. — Raising of the Siege of Turin.
^Triumph of the Archduke in Spain.— He enters Madrid. — Philip
contemplates leaving the Country. — Battle of Almanza and complete
defeat of the Allies, by Marshal Berwick. — Philip re-enters Ma-
drid. — War in Germany and Italy. — The French take Ghent and
Bruges.— Great Battle of Oudenarde. — The French Retreat. — Tak-
ing of Lisle. — War in Italy and Spain. — The Pope takes Sides and is
Defeated.

THE WAR DURING THE YEARS 1704 AND 1705.

In the year 1704, in Piedmont, the Duke of Vend6me
took Vercelli and Ivree ; and, in Spain, the Duke of Ber-
wick saved the kingdom, by preventing the Portuguese
army from marching to Madrid. The Archduke Charles,
having been declared King of Spain, was now sent by the
Emperor into Portugal, which country was fighting vigor-
ously on the side of the allies. The Archduke took with
him 12,000 English and Dutch troops, and Spain now be-
came a prominent theatre of the war.

In the Spring of 1704, the Archduke published a mani-
festo to the Spaniards, claiming that it was for their ad-
vantage, and for the public good and safety, that he
should be received by them. He enlarged upon the fact
that the Bourbon King would be governed by French fa-
vorites, who would be despotic in their rule ; that the mor-
als of the French would corrupt the Spanish people, and
that they would ridicule the gravity and decorum of the

142

CAPTURE OF GIBRALTAR. 143

latter ; that the French were frivolous, quarrelsome and vi-
olent, and would, to gain their ends, regard neither sex,
age nor merit : that the Spaniards would also be insulted in
their religion by the French, who were only half Catholic,
and little Christian, and that they had derided and insulted
the Pope — and, above all, that the spirit of philosophic
Atheism was walking about in France, showing a bold front,
ridiculing piety and making itself the fashionable belief.

With many other long and extended reasons, highly elab-
orated, he concludes :

" Let us imagine Spain under French rule, morals cor-
rupted, religion and piety despised, honest people insult-
ed, the people reduced to misery, the Grandees abased,
strangers masters of the riches and strength of the country,
the King governing, like a Turk ; his favorites, soldiers,
ofKcers and other ministers of his power rigorously exercis-
ing a rule that Samuel predicted for the children of Israel ;
dishonoring families, helping themselves to whatever they
want, and answering complaints by rude mockery or new
affronts." He, finally, predicts for them the fate of the
Frenchmen during the Sicilian Vespers, and calls upon " the
countrymen of the Gonsalvos, Ximenes, Toledos and Pizar-
ros," to support him.

About this time, Gibraltar was taken by the Prince of
Darmstadt and the English fleet under Admiral Rooke.
Although strongly fortified and supplied with guns, it con-
tained only a garrison of 100 men — so impregnable was it
deemed from its position.

A bombardment from the fleet, of 1500 cannon balls,
made no impression on the place ; but, on the 2d day of
the siege, being the festival of a local Saint, the garrison
and inhabitants deemed it more advantageous to propitiate
the Saint by prayers and processions, for their defence, than
to attend to the business themselves.

A small party of soldiers, thereupon, whose approach was
undreamed of by the garrison, in a part of the rock deemed
inaccessible, mounted the cliffs, while a party of sailors,
landing without opposition on the mole, easily drove the
Spaniards before them ; and, in a very short time, troops

144 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

coming to their aid, a complete lodgment on the ramparts
was made. Admiral Rooke, thereupon, took formal posses-
sion of the place, in the name of the Queen of England —
and with the English it still remains — the first stone, says a
Spanish historian, that fell from the vast and ruinous edi-
fice of the Spanish Monarchy.

At this time, took place a pitched battle of momentous
character. The great battle of Blenheim or Hochstadt, re-
sulting most disastrously for the French, was fought on the
13th of August, 1704.

The Duke of Marlborough had boldly determined to
transfer the theatre of war from Flanders to the Danube.
This advance movement contemplated leaving fortresses of
the enemy in the rear ; and was one that eminently dis-
played the military genius and daring of the great com-
mander. The plan was to be kept secret ; and to draw at-
tention from it, a statement was given out that a campaign
on the Moselle was intended.

The king of France, too, had determined to carry the war,
on his part, into the heart of Germany ; and, after having
overcome all opposition on the Rhine, intended to transfer
operations to the Danube, and strike terror to the Emperor,
by capturing Vienna, his capital. He also desired to relieve
his ally, the Elector of Bavaria, who had been shut off from
all communication with France, by the skilful disposition of
the allied forces.

In prosecution of this plan. Marshal Villars took the
strong fortress of Kehl, on the German side of the Rhine,
and, after driving back the Prince of Baden, the French
marched rapidly to the Lake Constance, where a junction
with the fdrces of the Elector of Bavaria was made, with
whom had wintered a large French force, under Marsin.

The project now was, that an overwhelming French force
should concentrate at Ulm, on the Danube.

In the mean while Marlborough, with his motley army of
English, Dutch, Danes and Germans, concealing his main
purpose, was marching south along the Rhine, with a design
to strike his critical blow, by attacking the French armies
that were forming for the campaign of the Danube, and

BATTLE OF BLENHEIM. 1 45

thus protect the Emperor and Vienna, and punish the
Elector of Bavaria, whose territories would be then ex-
posed. On the route, Marlborough was joined by Prince
Eugene and the Margrave of Baden ; but as a new French
force was approaching, Prince Eugene was sent to keep it
in check. Marlborough and the Prince of Baden, with
united forces of about 60,000 men, then advanced, in rapid
marches, and took, by gallant assault, the fortifications of
the Schellenberg in Bavaria, and the old town of Donau-
worth, a critical and commanding position on the Danube.
The Allies were now masters of the main passages of the
Danube — and had a strong place as a basis of action. The
allied leaders thereupon sent troops into the heart of Bava-
ria, and devastated the country even to the vicinity of Mu-
nich — burning and destroying as they marched, and taking
several minor fortresses. Marlborough's forces and those
of Prince Eugene were distant from each other some forty
miles, when came the news of the march of a French army
of 25,000 men under Tallard, to form a junction with the
others, to succor the Elector, and take revenge for the de-
feat of the Schellenberg. Two French Marshals, Tallard
and Marsin, were now in command : their design was to at-
tack Marlborough and Eugene's armies, in detail. By rapid
marches, Marlborough crossed the Danube and joined
Prince Eugene near Donauworth, and thereupon occurred
one of the most important and decisive contests of modern
times, fought between the old town of Hochstadt and the
villa'ge of Blenheim, about fifteen miles south of Donau-
worth. The skilful tactics of the allied generals precipi-
tated the battle.

The allied French and Bavarians numbered 60,000 men
— the English, Dutch and Germans and other allies, about
53,000. The allies were allowed to cross an intervening
brook without opposition, and form their lines. A great
charge, in full force, of the allies was then made ; they
broke the enemy's extended line ; and an ensuing charge
of cavalry scattered his forces right and left, and drove
many into the Danube. More than fourteen thousand
French and Bavarians, who had not struck a blow, except

146 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

to defend their position, entrenched and shut up in the
village of Blenheim, waiting for orders to move, were then
surrounded by the victorious allies, and compelled to sur-
render as prisoners of war.

The scattered remnants of the French and Bavarian
army either disbanded, or were driven over the Rhine.
The victory was complete and decisive. The garrison at
Ulm capitulated, and the Elector fled into France.

This defeat was most disastrous to France, and caused a
profound sensation throughout that country. She heard
with astonishment and alarm that twenty-seven battalions
of her veteran infantry, and twelve squadrons of dragoons
had surrendered themselves as prisoners of war, without
striking a blow in their defence.

It was indeed true, that, of the best troops of France,
eleven thousand infantry, and 3400 dragoons, that were
stationed in the village of Blenheim (or properly Blind-
heim), had been thus captured. Twenty thousand of the
French and Bavarians, in all, were taken or wounded — one
hundred cannon, 24 mortars, 13,600 tents, and 300 flags,
also remained with the conquerors. The terrible struggle
cost the allies about 11,000 men, killed and wounded.

The French, after the battle, could collect only 20,000
effective men out of the 60,000, who, long accustomed to
victory, had confidently entered into the great battle.
They had lost, too, the general of the army, the Marshal
de Tallard, and over 1200 officers.

What was worse, the prestige of French troops had de-
parted. All Germany was abandoned to the Allies; and
Louis began to feel the first of a series of humiliations that
Fortune had in store for him.

After this great victory Marlborough entertained the
bold project of marching into France, but was checked by
the strong position that Villars' army had taken to check
his purpose.

The news of the great disaster at Blenheim arrived at the
Court in the midst of rejoicings at the birth of a great
grandson of Louis. Its effect was appalling: France had
not been accustomed to misfortunes. Every prominent

THE WAR IN SPAIN. 147

family in the kingdom had a relative slain or wounded.
Public indignation was aroused against generals and minis-
ters, and a great disgrace was recognized. All refrained
from communicating the direful news to the great King.
At last Madame de Maintenon was deputed to make the
unwelcome disclosure.

As a result of the battle, of Blenheim, disastrous to Bava-
ria as well as to France, the Elector was obliged to leave
his dominions ; and, subsequently, the Electress, who was
left as regent, in November, 1704, was obliged to make a
general capitulation to the Emperor, disbanding the rest of
her army, and yielding up all the fortresses in Bavaria;
and the country was divided up into lordships and seign-
ories. After this battle, the remains of the Elector's army
had crossed the Rhine, and joined the French ; they were
followed by the allies, who subsequently besieged and took
Landau, on the 23d November ; and afterwards Treves.

In the year 1705, the French were more successful in
Italy : they took Nice, Mirandola, and other towns : the
Duke of Vendome, also, on the i6th August, gained the
battle of Cassano, in the Milanese, over Prince Eugene —
in which the Imperial army lost over 8000 men, and Prince
Eugene was diverted from his purpose of reenforcing the
Duke of Savoy. On the other hand, the Marshal de
Tesse, who had besieged Gibraltar with a French fleet and
an army of 8000 men, the importance of which place was
now becoming evident, was compelled to raise the siege.
The Portuguese, however, were successful in their opera-
tions, and took Salvaterra, Valencia, Alcantara and Albu-
querque. The Archduke, also, with the assistance of the
English, under the Earl of Peterborough, took possession
of Barcelona, and established himself there : and after-
wards occupied nearly all Catalonia and Valencia.

The Electoral Archbishop of Cologne, and also Maxi-
milian Emanuel, Elector of Bavaria, were soon after for-
mally put, by the Emperor Joseph, under the Ban of the
Empire, on account of the part they had taken in the war.

After reciting the hostility of these Princes to the Em-
pire, and their accord with its enemies — they are in terms

148 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

" put under the Ban and after Ban of the Empire," and are
declared "to be subject to all the pains and penalties it
involves, deprived of all their states, estates, dignities and
ofifices ; and their subjects and all persons are to cease giv-
ing them recognition, aid or support ; and they are put out
of the peace and protection of the Empire."

During the rest of the year, the armies in the Nether-
lands and on the Rhine remained comparatively inactive,
with the exception of the taking of Huy on the Meuse,
by the French, and its retaking by Marlborough. The
Prince of Baden, also, captured Drusensheim, on the lower
Rhine. Marlborough's action, however, was much re-
stricted by the timid councils of the Dutch.

THE WAR, 1706 TO 1708.

The war, during the years 1706 and 1708, proceeded with
unceasing activity. The allied army concentrated at Bil-
sen, north of Liege, and moved in a westerly direction.
On the 13th May, 1706, took place the battle of Ramillies,
in Brabant, about twenty-five miles south-east of Brussels,
in which the allies, under the Duke of Marlborough, com-
pletely routed the French army of 80,000 men, under the
Marquis of Villeroi, the engagement lasting less than an
hour.

After this great victory the allies entered into Antwerp
and Brussels; Ostend and Menin opened their gates.
Ghent, Bruges, Louvain, Dendermonde and Mechlin sub-
mitted ; and all Flanders' was lost to the French up to the
very gates of Lisle, the French army retreating almost to
the French frontier.

It is recorded that Marshal Villeroi was so prostrated
by his defeat, in which the French army lost upwards of
20,000 men, the flower of their troops, that he did not send
any despatch to the King, but rested five days, moodily,
in his tent ; and not until the expiration of that time
wrote to Louis, confirming the terrible news, which put
the French Court again into consternation.

When the Marshal appeared, on his return to Paris,

THE ARCHDUKE ENTERS MADRID. 149

before the King, instead of receiving reproaches, Louis
merely remarked to him, in his usual bland and courteous
manner, " M. le Mar^chal, one cannot be fortunate at our
time of life."

In Italy, the French were, for a time, successful. The
Duke of Vend6me gained the battle of Calcinato near Man-
tua, over the German forces ; but he, having been ordered
to the Netherlands, to endeavor to regain French laurels
there, the French under Marshal de Marsin were com-
pelled to raise the siege of Turin, being badly defeated by
the Imperialists, under Prince Eugene, who had made an
invasion into Piedmont, and driven back the French into
Dauphin^. By this disaster, the French lost Modena, Man-
tua, Milan, Piedmont, and practically, the Kingdom of
Naples. All the places in Lombardy were also placed in
the power of the allies.

In Spain, the French and Spanish had been equally un-
successful. The King had been forced to raise the siege of
Barcelona, and had been compelled to take refuge on the
French frontier ; and Catalonia became open to the Ger-
man troops.

The Portuguese made themselves masters of Ciudad-Rod-
rigo and Albuquerque ; and Carthagena, in the South, and
Salamanca in the North, in June and July, fell into the
hands of the Allies. The forces of the Empire and the Port-
uguese, made triumphant by these victories, penetrated to
Madrid, on the 6th July, 1706, and there proclaimed the
Archduke Charles, as King, and the islands of Yvica and
Majorca sent in their adhesion to him.

When Charles entered Madrid, among those who came to
greet him, and who hailed his arrival with joy, were the
widowed Queen of Charles II. and the veteran diplomatist,
Cardinal Portocarrero, the hero of the intrigues of 1701.
Their misfortunes and exile from Court had united them in
hatred against the Bourbons, whose ingratitude they loudly
denounced. The Queen put off her mourning and arrayed
herself in jewelled state, and Portocarrero performed a
grand Te Deum in his cathedral at Toledo, and went
through the ceremony of blessing the Austrian standard ;

ISO THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

concluding the day with a sumptuous banquet and illumi-
nation at the Episcopal Palace.

After the great progress made by the party of the Arch-
duke in Spain, the fortunes of Philip seemed so desperate,
that it was contemplated, as the proper policy to adopt,
that he should abandon the crown of Spain, and proceed
to the Spanish possessions in America, to reign there. The
court of Versailles had much serious deliberation on the
project. But the courage and fidelity of the Spaniards, the
fortitude and energy of the Queen, and, finally, changes in
the fortunes of the war, caused a different course to be
adopted ; and Philip, determined to fight out the contest to
the last, was rewarded, by being able to re-enter Madrid, in
triumph, three months after leaving it, a fugitive.

The restoration of Philip to Madrid was mainly due to
the skilful generalship of Marshal Berwick, the illegitimate
son of James II., who was one of the ablest commanders in
the French service. The Duke of Orleans had been ap-
pointed Generalissimo over the forces in Spain, and arrived
to taTce command just a day after the great and decisive
battle of Almanza in New Castile, gained by Berwick, on
the 25th April, 1707. The French loss in this battle was
only 2000; of the enemy, 5000 were killed and 10,000 taken
prisoners ; among them were six Major-Generals. The
French thereupon drove the Archduke from Madrid ; and
Philip, at the close of April, 1707, having been re-established
at his capital, immediately pushed his conquests towards
Portugal, and also took possession of Murcia, Valencia and
Aragon, with the exception of a few strong places ; Cartha-
gena was also taken by Berwick, in November.

During the year 1707 the French were not so successful
in Italy. They were compelled to evacuate all Lombardy,
and were finally driven out of all Naples, by the Austrians,
under General Dauhn ; on the other hand, the Duke of
Savoy and Prince Eugene, in August, 1707, failed before
Toulon, with heavy losses, the place having been besieged,
by land and sea. Their forces after the failure retired into
Piedmont.

During this year, 1707, in Germany, Marshal Villars, after

SUCCESSES OF 7WE FRENCH. 151

several conflicts, took possession of the Duchy of Wurtem-
burg, and levied contributions from the Rhine, far inland
to Nuremberg ; but was subsequently driven back, over the
Rhine, by the Elector of Hanover. The balance of advan-
tage this year was in favor of France and Spain.

In 1708 the greater part of the forces of the belligerents
were concentrated in Flanders, which thereupon became the
great theatre of the war, the French having determined to
move forward over the Flemish frontier and recover the
great towns taken by the allies during the previous year ;
while Villars was to oppose the Duke of Savoy, in Pied-
mont, and the Duke of Orleans, the King's nephew, was to
command in Spain. The King's grandson, the young Duke
of Burgundy, in order to inspire the troops with the pres-
ence of a Prince of the blood, was nominally in command of
the French army for Flanders, then 100,000 stong, but with
him, as practically the commander or director, was the Duke
de Vendome. The army of the allies consisted of about
80,000 men.

The French, not daring a battle in the field, so manoeu-
vred, that, with little trouble, they took, mostly by sur-
prise, Ghent, Bruges, and other towns in Flanders, which
controlled important water communications. They then
prepared to attack Oudenarde, and established a strong
camp on the Dender, to cover the siege. These successes
were received with great joy at Court, and gave some relief
from the depression of previous disasters ; they presaged
well for the campaign.

The counsels of the Duke of Burgundy and of the Duke
of Vendome, however, were far from harmonious : the Duke
of Burgundy several times acted contrary to the advice and
wishes of Vendome ; and often nullified his plans by coun-
ter orders. On the other hand, as alleged by the Duke and
his friends, the constitutional laziness of Vendome, or pos-
sibly his disinclination to active operations which might
bring a success which would redound to the credit of the
young Duke, is charged to have been the occasion of bring-
ing about another great disaster to the French arms. The

152 THE HISTOR Y OF A GREA T TREA TY.

ability of Marlborough and Eugene, however, was sufficient
to account for the result.

The great battle of Oudenarde was fought on the nth
July, 1708.

The French had the advantage in numbers and in posi-
tion ; and made so long and spirited a defence that the fort-
unes of the day were, at times, doubtful : but the skill of
Marlborough, ably assisted by Prince Eugene, and the per-
sistence and valor of the allied troops, at length drove the
French from their positions, and coming darkness, envelop-
ing the contending hosts, allowed the retreat of the French,
although in great disorder, from the field. The Electoral
Prince of Hanover, afterwards George II., figured promi-
nently as a volunteer in this battle, and distinguished him-
self in charging at the head of a squadron.

The losses in this great battle, on either side, were about
equal ; but the French army having retreated during the
night, and the allies having made many prisoners, there then
was no real doubt as to the victory. The darkness of the
night and the weariness of the allied troops prevented pur-
suit, so as to render the victory more decisive. The re-
sults, at least, were valuable to the allies. The French
army having made a disastrous retreat to Ghent, where
they entrenched themselves, the allies proceeded to besiege
Lisle.

The cause of the defeat of the French, at Oudenarde,
was, with abusive denunciation, ascribed by both of the
French generals to the conduct of the other ; their recrim-
inations were carried to Versailles, where the Duke of Bur-
gundy was loud in his complaints of the overweening confi-
dence and sluggishness of action which marked the conduct
of Vendome ; in which opinion many French writers have
concurred.

In a letter dated July 13, 1708, the Duke of Burgundy
thus wrote to Madame de Maintenon, with a view that its
contents should be made known to the King : " You had
good reason for apprehension, when our affairs were en-
trusted to the Due de Vend6me; and there is not a dissent-
ing voice here, on that point. I knew very well that, as to

SURRENDER OF LISLE. I S3

his service as general he was a nullity — without foresight,
without method, without taking pains to inform himself
about the enemy, which he always affects to despise — but
I supposed that he was more of a general than I found him
to be, the day before yesterday." After specifying certain
features of the battle, wherein Venddme was charged with
exhibiting ignorance, blindness and stupidity, the Duke of
Burgundy thus pursues his criticism. " In fine, Madame,
in the conduct of the war and in battle, he is always the
same — never a general — and the king makes a great mistake
as to him. I am not the only one to say this — all the army
speaks in the same way. He has never had the confidence
of his officers — he has just lost that of his soldiers. He does
nothing but eat and sleep : and, in effect, his health does
not permit him to undergo fatigue, or do what is necessary
for his position. Add to that the extraordinary confidence
which he has that the enemy will never do that which he
does not want them to do — that he never has been beaten,
and never will be ; which latter remark, he certainly, since
the day before yesterday, can never make again. Thus you
can judge of our situation ! "

Immediately after the battle of Oudenarde, Marlborough
began the investment of Lisle, the capital of French Flan-
ders, a place of great strength, fortified by Vauban and the
key of the country, watered by the Lys and the Scheldt.
The siege of this important place excited great attention
and drew to the scene many distinguished military person-
ages — the Electoral Prince of Hanover, young Saxe, Mun-
nich, who subsequently, as Russian field marshal, desolated
the Crimea, Schwerin, subsequently a field marshal of the
great Frederick, and others, afterwards notable generals,
then young men, who came to study the art of war, at
the great siege. The place was invested on the nth of
August, by Eugene, while Marlborough conducted the
covering operations, and baffled Vendome and Berwick in
their efforts at relief. After an obstinate and valorous de-
fence, in which Boufflers exerted a skill and courage that
excited admiration, the town surrendered, on the 22d of
October, and after a further prolonged contest the citadel

154 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

yielded, on the 9th of December. The taking of this great
fortified town in the face of a vast army of the enemy, which
by skilful tactics was kept in check, gave great addition to
the military reputation of Marlborough and of his famous
brother-in-arms. The allies then marched on Ghent and
Bruges, which they took possession of, and were gladly wel-
comed.

Thus terminated the extraordinary campaign of 1708, in
Flanders ; one in which the valor of the contending armies
and the military science of their great generals had been
taxed to the utmost.

The war game in the Netherlands called into action not
only the tactical skill necessary-to move and handle large
armies, and to check and counter-check action in the field,
but the arts of engineering in the conduct of great siege
operations against fortified towns, the skilful reduction of
powerful works, and attack and defence, by mine and
counter mine, which, at the siege of Lisle, were carried on
with persistent valor and scientific skill, and were attended
with most destructive results to life. The English also, in
this year took possession of the Island of Sardinia, and
also of Port Mahon, in the Island of Minorca, a most im-
portant station for their fleet, and the best harbor in the
Mediterranean. During the year 1708, the war in Italy was
not. remarkable in events. The Duke of Savoy captured
several strong places in Savoy, and he was invested by the
Emperor with parts of the Duchies of Montferrat and
Milan.

The Pope, having, this year, taken sides with the French,
the hereditary Prince of Hesse Cassel, at the head of a
Protestant force, took possession of Bologna, and compelled
the Pope to recognize the Archduke.

In Spain the French had some success, but an English
fleet compelled them to raise the siege of Barcelona, where
the Archduke was besieged.

CHAPTER XVII.

The severe Winter of 1708-9, in France. — Terrible suffering and Fam-
ine. — Graphic Account of the State of France, by the Due de St.
Simon. — Indignation of the People. — Insults to the King and Nobil-
ity. — The patron Saint, St. Genevieve, appealed to. — Sacrifice of
Plate and Jewels, by the Court. — France worn out by the War. —
Deliberations in Council. — Despondency of Ministers. — Louis offers
to withdraw his Grandson from Spain. — Villars' Statement as to the
dejected Condition of the King.

STATE OF FRANCE 1708-9, AND FIRST EFFORTS FOR

PEACE.

In the midst of the drain upon the population and re-
sources of France, caused by this prolonged war, the
plague of famine appeared.

The Winter of 1708-9 was unexampled in its severity,
and added materially to the embarrassments and misfort-
unes of France. It seemed as if the very elements con-
spired against her.

The Due de St. Simon, an eye-witness, gives a graphic
account of the effects of this Winter. The frost lasted
nearly two months, having come suddenly on Twelfth
Night. "In four days," he states, "the Seine, and all the
other rivers were frozen ; and, what had never been seen
before, the sea froze, all along the coasts, so as to bear
carts even heavily laden upon it. This frost caused the
complete destruction of all kinds of vegetation. The vio-
lence of the cold was such that the strongest elixirs and
the most spirituous liquors broke their bottles in cupboards
of rooms with fires in them, and surrounded by chimneys.
The trees and vines died, in great numbers ; the gardens
perished, and all the grains of the earth. It is impossible
to imagine the desolation of this general ruin. Everybody
held tight to his old grain ; the price of bread increased in
proportion to despair for the next harvest. The distress

IS6 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

arising from all this was, of course, great ; and extraordi-
nary edicts were promulgated, and financiers and forestallers
took occasion, by exaction, to enrich themselves. Commis-
sioners were appointed, who scoured the provinces and
arbitrarily fixed the prices of corn, by force ; and kept it
up, to increase their own profits : all of which contributed
to increase the general dreariness and poverty."

" Marechal, the king's surgeon," St. Simon continues,
" had the courage and the probity to tell all these things to
the King ; and to state to him the sinister opinions they gave
rise to, among all classes, even the most enlightened. The
king appeared touched, was not offended with Marechal,
but did nothing. * * * Innumerable were the people who
died, literally, of hunger, and those who perished, after-
wards, of the maladies caused by extreme misery. The
payment, by government, of interest on its various indebt-
edness was also stopped or materially retrenched ; which
desolated nearly all the families of Paris and many others.
At the same time, the taxes increased, multiplied and ex-
acted, with the greatest rigor, completed the devastation
of France. A great number of people, who, in preceding
years used to relieve the poor, found themselves so poor as
to be unable to subsist, without difficulty, and many of
them received alms in secret. It is impossible to say how
many others laid siege to the hospitals until then the shame
and punishment of the poor ; how many ruined hospitals
revomited forth their inmates to the public charge, that is
to say, sent them away to die, actually, of hunger : and
many decent families shut themselves up in garrets to die
of want." St. Simon winds up his terrible and dramatic
account, in these words : " Nobody could any longer pay,
because nobody was paid : the country people, over-
whelmed with exactions and with valueless property had
become insolvent ; trade no longer yielded anything ; good
faith and confidence were at an end. Thus, the King had
no resources except in terror and in his unlimited power;
which, boundless as it was, failed also for want of some-
thing to take and exercise itself upon. There was no more
circulation — no means of re-establishing it. All was perish-

SUFFERING AND FAMINE IN FRANCE. 157

ing — step by step— the realm was entirely exhausted ; the
troops, even, were not paid ; although no one could imagine
what was done with the millions that came into the King's
coffers. The unfed soldiers, disheartened, too, at being
so badly commanded, were always unsuccessful : there was
no capacity in generals or ministers — no appointment, ex-
cept by whim or intrigue. Nothing was punished — noth-
ing examined — there was equal impotence to sustain the
war and bring about peace — all suffered — yet none dared
put the hand to this arch, tottering as it was, and ready to
fall. This was the frightful state to which we were reduced
when envoys were sent into Holland to try and bring about
a peace. * * * Meanwhile the money was recoined ; and
its increase to a third more than its intrinsic value, brought
some profit to the King, but ruin to private people, and a
disorder to trade, which completed its annihilation."

Verily, we may conclude, after reading this account,
which, St. Simon says, was exact, faithful, and not over-
charged, the time of Retribution was at hand ! The Nem-
esis had appeared!

The effect of all this on the minds of the suffering people
was terrible ; pamphlets and squibs were issued innumera-
ble, at the risk even of a death penalty, denouncing the
ambitious Monarch, his character, his conduct, his morals
and his government. Placards were placed even upon his
statues, and on doors of churches and public buildings,
arraigning the king and government. Cries for " Bread,"
were shouted in the streets, and even under the windows of
Versailles — ministers, generals, and even the Dauphin were
mobbed in the streets — the Duke of Burgundy was hooted
at and threatened, and armed revolts occurred in Paris and
several of the Provinces. In the mean while St. Genevieve,
the patron saint of Paris, was brought to the front, to give suc-
cor, when even direct appeals to Heaven had failed — she,
that was never called upon except in cases of dire calamity !
Her statue was carried, in solemn procession, through the
streets ; and invocations went up to the Sacred lady to give
succor to her beloved city. She it was — when king and
minister and general had ceased to be efficacious, that

IS8 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

could surely protect the most Christian realm. Even she,
however, gave no aid. A more practical sacrifice was also
made at this time of gold and silver plate, jewels and pre-
cious things by the King and nobility to fill the exhausted
treasury and keep up the sinews of war. The King, the
Princes, Madame de Maintenon and some others of the
great personages having set the fashion, it was followed, of
course, by all courtiers, although the operation caused no
little grumbling, and the mint and the royal goldsmiths did
not show a return of any great account.

After this terrible winter, in the Spring of 1709, France,
as it may be supposed, was in a deplorable condition.

The misfortune of war had dispirited, alike, king and
people ; and the horrors of famine and the rigors of a Win-
ter of such extraordinary inclemency had carried death and
misery to every class ; for even the gentry and many of the
nobility were suffering from actual want. France seemed
completely worn out — conscriptions had denuded the coun-
try of its laborers — the peasantry were dragged unwillingly
to the war — often in chains — and brigands and outlaws were
freely enlisted, and paraded before the humiliated King.

•AH peace negotiations, too, as it will be seen, had failed.
The allies, and especially the Emperor, were implacable;
and nothing less than an invasion into France and its en-
tire subjection seemed probable.

Such was the condition of France — of that great King-
dom, whose Monarch, a few years back, had made all the
sceptres of Europe tremble — her finances ruined — her pub-
lic credit gone — the land exhausted — the people beggared
and dying of famine — her armies discouraged by terrible
defeats — her veteran troops destroyed — her fortresses taken
— her provinces in revolt — her integrity threatened, and
her inveterate enemies, the hated English and the long
despised Dutch, instigated by the " bourgeois " Heinsius,
were menacing her with utter annihilation.*

It is stated that, at the Council of State, held at Ver-

* All this formed a strong contrast with the period of exultation of
1673, when such verses as the following doggerel illustrated the prevalent
tone throughout the kingdom :

DESPONDENCY OF LOUIS. 159

sailles, to consider the condition of the nation, the Duke of
Beauvilliers gave such a touching picture of the state to
which France was reduced, that the Duke of Burgundy
and all the Council were in tears. The Chancellor, Pont-
chartrain, gave, as his advice, to make peace, on any terms
which might be allowed. The Ministers of War and
Finance admitted that they were entirely without re-
sources. "So mournful a scene," says the Marquis de
Torcy, "would be difficult to describe, even if it were per-
mitted to reveal the secret of that which was most touch-
ing — this secret was nothing but that tears ran freely."

And now, he who had been a dictator to Europe, whose
glory had been represented as a halo encircling the head of
a divinity, and who was styled on his medals " the perpet-
ual conqueror ! " — without ally, and without resources, in
bemoaning his fate, while reciting his failures, although
actually begging for peace, exclaimed, with tears in his
eyes, in open Council, " I am unable now either to make
war or peace ! "

Louis, now, seriously thought of withdrawing his troops
from Spain, and giving up the great struggle to maintain
his grandson there. The state of France required it. He
felt that, as the Father and Protector of his own Subjects,
their interest was paramount — that all France was being
ruined — and that peace at any cost was a stern necessity.
In the terms of peace now proffered by France, Louis
even went so far as to offer subsidies to the allies to aid
them in removing Philip ; and Prince Eugene had such
assurance of the power of the allies and the weakness of
France, as to draw up a plan for the dismemberment of
the French dominions.

" II prend, en un jour, Lorraine ;
La Bourgogne en une semaine ;
La Hollande en un mois
S'il fait la guerre, un an.
Quels seront ses exploits .' "

A contrast too with 1697, when a medal was struck in France, on
which was the profile of Louis and the legend " to the perpetual con-
queror ! "

l6o THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Villars says, in his memoirs, that "the king sighed for
peace — he was now depressed by the maladies of old age,
and his heart had lost its courage — his ambition had re-
ceived a blow, and his hopes of glory had vanished.
France was assailed along its entire frontier, with no other
ally but Spain, which, instead of being of aid, was a bur-
then — the navy had been annihilated, in successive defeats.
Commerce was destroyed by the hostile fleets — the treasury
was empty, the troops, discouraged and unpaid and badly
clothed, were dying of hunger — the arsenals were empty,
and there was a general scarcity of food."

CHAPTER XVIII.

First Overtures for Peace. — Louis' Efforts in 1705. — Action by the Elector
of Bavaria, 1706. — Negotiations at Moerdyk and Bodegrave, in
1709. — Negotiations at the Hague, by the Marquis de Torcy. — Oppo-
sition to Peace by tlie Dutch. — Preliminary Articles drawn. — Louis
rejects the Preliminaries and resolves to continue the War. — Louis'
instructions to De Torcy, as to bribing Marlborough. — Marshal
Villars' encouraging Letter to De Torcy. — Louis' Letter to Villars,
and spirited Manifesto to his Subjects. — Philip's Letter to Louis as
to his Proposed Removal.

FIRST OVERTURES FOR PEACE.

The King of France had, for some time, perceived that
the contest in which he was engaged was a very serious
affair, and that, instead of being, as in former days, a war
of conquest, on his part, against States with various inter-
ests, the determined spirit and firm accord of the alHes
was imperilling the very existence of France ; and that if
he did not make peace soon, he might have to make it
on terms most humiliating to himself and his country.

Louis had, indeed, undertaken a task, far beyond the re-
sources and strength of France.

During her wars in the previous century, she was com-
pact, and had only her own frontiers to defend. She acted
on the aggressive, when and where she chose, and retired
her forces, at will, safely within her borders.

Now, she had to defend, besides her own territory, the
Spanish Peninsula, the possessions of Spain in the Nether-
lands, in Italy and in the Mediterranean, and to contend in
the field against the allied powers of England, Germany,
Holland, Denmark, Savoy, and Portugal ; far, at times, from
her own territory ; and, moreover, against forces spread
through a region extending from the North Sea to Sicily
and Gibraltar.

War was with him, now, a different game than when
II 161

i62 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Mons and Namur were taken, in an off-hand way, in
1692-93 ; when the Monarch in person capered, on his
docile steed, before the bright array of troops shouting in
his homage, until the gout made him descend, for repose,
to his gilded tent. The taking of towns and the slaughter
of the defenders of their homes was no longer a splendid
diversion, for an applauding court.

The gay courtiers, the jewelled women, the dilletant^
militaires, the gilded coaches, the cooks, the valets, the
players and the singers — the Asiatic splendor, and the
grand Monarch, himself, had all disappeared from the scene,
under the stern realities of the hour.

The first approaches to peace were secretly made to Hol-
land, as early as the year 1705; and intimations were
given out of a character to raise the apprehension of the
Dutch, as to the designs of Austria, with a view to detach
them from the alliance.

These negotiations were renewed, after the battle of
Ramillies ;' but Holland placed no confidence in the repre-
sentations of Louis, whose aim seemed to be, as formerly,
to disunite the allies, for his own purposes. Special over-
tures for peace were made subsequently, by the Elector of
Bavaria, at the instigation of the King of France, which, at
first, were of a private and secret character ; and were
viewed with suspicion by the English, who also suspected,
in them, a ruse to disunite the allies.

The Elector of Bavaria, seeing these acts misunderstood,
and, acting for himself as well as for Louis, thereupon pro-
posed to the Duke of Marlborough and to the Deputies of
the Dutch States, then in the field, a conference and a
temporary stoppage of hostilities. The proposal was made
in October, 1706; but the Dutch States declined to treat,
except on more distinct proposals, and determined to do
nothing without the assent of their Allies, nor without
some action by the English. They also required, as a sine
qua non, the cession of Spain and the Indies to Austria.
The English refused to treat in a general conference, un-
less it were preceded by specific proposals.

The Pope, too, interested himself, in' endeavoring to

PEACE NEGOTIATIONS. 163

bring about a Peace ; and Louis was willing to submit to
his consideration his proposed concessions to Austria and
Holland, in detail ; in order that his Holiness might duly
act in the matter. In a missive to the Pope, of February
15, 1707, the King of France expressed his willingness to
give- up part of the Spanish dominions to the Archduke,
and to permanently establish a barrier for Holland.

NEGOTIATIONS AT MOERDYK.

Finally, in order to forward a peace, which Louis now
deemed a necessity, not only foi^the good of his people, but
for the preservation of his Crown, negotiations were opened
by him with the Dutch, early in the year 1709, at Moerdyk,
and subsequently continued at Bodegrave, the object being
to gain over, at least, one of the parties to the Alliance.

In these negotiations, England took but little part ; they
were mainly directed towards Holland. Proposals most
favorable to that country were made ; with reference, par-
ticularly, to the barrier, and to commercial advantages,
which, it was supposed, would incline the Dutch officials,
always having an eye to trade, to listen favorably to over-
tures for Peace.

But the Dutch, with every more favorable proposition,
became more exacting, and finally made exorbitant claims ;
and, indeed, showed a disposition not to treat on any
terms, short of the complete humiliation of France, includ-
ing the deprivation of the Bourbons of all share in any
part of the Spanish dominions. Marlborough, at this time,
was not disinclined to peace on advantageous terms,
although, it has been generally supposed, that he, as well
as Prince Eugene, lent all their influence for the continu-
ance of the war. Perceiving that France was almost at its
last gasp, they might naturally desire to pursue a war
which was giving them increased reputation, and which, if
it were continued to an end that would entirely humiliate
France, would yield them, not only increased renown but
perhaps principalities and dominions in the prostrate king-
dom.

164 THE HISTORY OF A GREA T TREA TY.

Louis, however, although humiliated by the arrogant
tone of the Dutch and humbled in his pride, as he realized
the contrast between his relations with them now and what
they had been in 1672, directed his agents, by despatch, to
cede Spain and its possessions to the House of Austria,
reserving only Naples and Sicily, for his grandson ; and
also to stipulate that James, the Pretender, should be com-
pelled to quit France.

Other terms favorable to the Allies were also proffered.

FURTHER NEGOTIATIONS AT THE HAGUE.

All these efforts at Peace, however, were abortive ; and
the Dutch, refusing to come to terms, another effort was
made'by France, and the Marquis de Torcy, the Minister
of foreign affairs, on the part of Louis, passed, at no little
personal risk, through the enemy's country and entered
into new negotiations at the Hague; hastening action, so
as to anticipate a new campaign at arms, for which the
allies were making active preparations.

The presence of so important a personage as the French
Minister of foreign affairs, at the Hague, gave these pro-
posals for peace a new importance and impulse, and mani-
fested an earnest desire, on the part of Louis, for perma-
nent Peace, on any terms.

De Torcy was an experienced diplomatist and a man of
high position and character, and Louis relied much on his
intelligence and capacity to extricate France, with honor,
from her critical position. M. de Torcy's object was, not
only, at even great sacrifices, to establish preliminaries for
a Peace, but to endeavor to ascertain the real intentions of
Holland and the sentiments that actuated the Allies of the
Emperor, in prolonging the war ; and to discover, if pos-
sible, how far, at great expenditure of men and money to
themselves, they were willing to prolong hostilities, appar-
ently, for the sole benefit of the House of Austria.

These new negotiations were carried on by M. de Torcy,
aided by M. Rouill^ (the former French agent), with Hein-
sius, the Grand Pensionary, and with the two Commis-

DEMANDS OF THE ALLIES. 165

sioners who had been appointed by the States General, to
treat for Peace, during the previous year. Marlborough
and Prince Eugene subsequently entered into the confer-
ences ; but they operated rather in check than in further-
ance of any definite results.

The Dutch deputies still insisted on the relinquishment,
by the King of Spain, of all his dominions, including
Naples and Sicily, and that the Allies were bound, in
honor, to obtain for the Archduke the entire Spanish
dominions, and also the cession of Strasburg and Alsace.

France, also, was to cede to the Dutch, Cassel, Lisle,
Maubeuge, Tournai, Cond6, and other places in. French
Flanders and Hainault.

Under date of May 14, 1709, M. de Torcy thus wrote to
Louis from the Hague : " The idea that they have in
Holland of the condition of our affairs causes singular
effects ; and those who are suffering from the war, in this
country, forget their troubles in the hope that they have
to overwhelm France, which they believe they cannot too
deeply humiliate, in order to ensure their own repose."

The conferences being unduly prolonged, and no hope of
any settlement a.pparent, M. de Torcy offered, on the part
of Louis, to abandon his claims, even for Naples and Sicily,
for the King's grandson.

At last, towards the end of May, 1709, certain prelimi-
nary articles or propositions were framed ; but De Torcy
left the Hague, with little idea that the proposals would be
accepted by his King. It is related, that when De Torcy
signed these preliminaries, he broke out with the excla-
mation, " Would Colbert have signed such a treaty for
France ? " On which, a Minister present, responded, " Col-
bert himself would have been pleased to have saved France,
in these circumstances, on such terms."

By the terms of these Preliminary articles, the Archduke
Charles was to be recognized, as Charles HL King of Spain
and its dominions ; and the new monarch, Philip V., was to
immediately evacuate the country, with his wife and chil-
dren ; and the monarchy of Spain was to be transferred
entire to the House of Austria. Within two months, also.

l66 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

France was to release and deliver to the Emperor, Stras-
burg, Brisach, Landau, the Fort of Kehl, and, to a speci-
fied extent, Alsace, with all stores of war in the above
naentioned places. To the United Provinces were to be
ceded, as a barrier, specified towns and strong places in the
Spanish Netherlands, with all their stores and war material :
and to England was to be made the concession of an
acknowledgment of the Protestant succession.

The propositions contained also a condition, that no
Prince of the House of France should ever succeed to the
throne of Spain, or have any part of the Spanish dominions.
This provision would have excluded, not only all the then
French Princes of royal blood, but all branches of the
Bourbon family, however remote.

This was a new and severe condition, dictated by hatred
and jealousy on the part of Austria, which thus tried to
prevent all future alliance and amity between Spain and
Austria's great rival, France.

A condition most humiliating to France was also con-
tained in the preliminaries, to the effect that, in case the
reigning King and his family did not leave Spain, within
the period of two months, from the first of June then next,
the King of France should assist in removing him. In case
of the removal of the King of Spain, as above, the cessation
of hostilities was to become permanent and final treaties of
peace were to be ratified.

It was also demanded that France was never to become
possessed of the Spanish Indies, nor send ships there, to
exercise commerce, under any pretext whatsoever.

France also was to destroy her fortified places on the
Rhine ; and the fortifications and harbor of Dunkirk.

The allies, dazzled and emboldened by their successes,
while France was seen to be humbled and disheartened,
demanded that these preliminaries should be accepted, if
a,t all, during the period of an armistice, of two months,
from June ist then next — in default of which, hostilities
were to be renewed.

Louis saw, in these exacting proposals, an indisposition
to make peace, on any terms; while they were so devised

LOUIS' ATTEMPTS TO BRIBE MARLBOROUGH. 167

that, through the proposed truce, the allies might have
time to strengthen themselves in Flanders, and occupy the
strong towns which tney, doubtless, intended to retain,
whether peace was concluded or not.

Without hesitation as to his course, he recalled his agents
from the Hague, revoked his overtures for peace, and
Marshal Villars was directed to strengthen and collect his
army at Douay, which, during the negotiations, he had kept
inactive.

The failure to conclude the peace caused much comment
and discontent both in England and Holland. The pro-
posals which might have been carried out were most favor-
able to those countries ; and the enemies of Marlborough
began to denounce him as a man who preferred the inter-
ests of the Allies to those of England.

During his negotiations at the Hague, De Torcy had
many colloquies with Marlborough and Prince Eugene,
who, he plainly saw, were the great impediments in his
way towards peace. The former, in a general way, had
indicated a disposition to make terms, and treated the
French Ambassador with great politeness and affability.
His efforts in a direction contrary to peace, had been so
manifest, however, and his influence was considered so
desirable that (from a supposition of his fondness for
money) efforts to bribe him, in favor of peace, were made
by directions of the French Court. " I do not doubt,"
writes Louis, in a despatch to De Torcy, in May, 1709,
" but that you will profit of all occasions that you will have
to see the Duke of Marlborough, in order to let him under-
stand that I have been informed of the steps he has taken
in order to prevent the progress of the conferences for
peace, and even to break them up ; that I have been the
more surprised in that I had reason to believe, after the
assurances he had given me, that he wished to contribute to it,
and I would have been glad if he had acquired the reward
that I promised him by his conduct in that regard. And, in
order to put you in a condition to explain this matter, more
clearly, to him, I will now give you my express direction,
that I will remit him two millions of livres, if he can con-

1 68 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

tribute, by his efforts, to obtain for me, one of the follow-
ing conditions, viz. : The reservation of Naples and Sicily
for the king, my grandson ; or, at least, the reservation of
Naples, at all cost. I will make him the same gratification
for Dunkirk retained under my power, with its fort and
fortifications ; without the reservation of Naples and Sicily.
The same gratification for the simple preservatipn of Stras-
burg, the fort of Kehl excepted, which I will restore to
the Empire, in the condition it was in when I conquered
it, and this, without the reservation of either Naples or
Sicily. But of all these different plans, the reservation of
Naples is what I prefer. I will consent to raise this gratifi-
cation to 3,000,000, if he will contribute to the reservation
of Naples, and preserve for me Dunkirk and its fortifications
and port. If I were obliged to yield, on the article of Dun-
kirk, I would give him the above sum if he can procure the
reservation of Naples and the preservation of Strasburg,
in the manner I have explained ; and Landau with its forts
in exchange for Brisach. Or, again, if he can procure for
me Strasburg and Dunkirk in their present state. If you
cannot do better, I am willing that you offer the Duke of
Marlborough as high as 4,000,000, if he will bring about the
obtaining of Naples and Sicily, for the king, my gran4'bn, '
and the retention of Dunkirk, its fortifications a^xi'^port./
and Strasburg and Landau in the manner 7 iiav%^ -ex-
plained ; or indeed, the same sum, even if Sfi*Jy iwer^ ex-
cepted from this Article ! " These attemptir.W influence
the Duke of Marlborough were evidently without success ;
and so far as has been ascertained, were without the slight-
est effect. Perhaps History, might, with plausibility,
although she might not with justice, gauge the character,
or at least measure the then reputation of the Duke, by
the fact of this great effort to bribe him being made. It
was an attack upon his character and honor of the most
flagrant description, and one which he does not appear to
have resented. It was, at any rate, exposing the weakness
of France in a remarkable degree : — a deduction which
would be apparent to a mind much less astute than that of
Marlborough, and one, probably, which was of service to

VILLAKS' LETTER TO DE TORCY. 169

him in his future operations. No attack of a similar kind>^
seems to have been made on Heinsius, whose antecedents
did not expose him to such approaches, and whose hostility
to France was even more bitter and persistent than that of
Marlborough.

To give some confidence to M. de Torcy, in his negotia-
tions, and to counteract the impressions sought to be made
by the. allies as to their power to dictate terms. Marshal
Villars wrote to De Torcy, during the negotiations, a letter
somewhat encouraging , an extract of which is as follows :
" I learn that our enemies are very confident, on the false
opinion that the armies of the king are not in condition to
enter into a campaign. I think it my duty to write you
the exact truth ; and I make no scruple in telling you that
the ranks are more complete than they have ever yet
been. You will be told perhaps that this is the good effect
of a bad cause, and that the recruits are only numerous,
through the misery of the provinces. I will not go into
details about that, but, the fact is, that our ranks are very
full, and our soldiers have a great desire to show the enemy
that they are in good heart for fighting, under fair condi-
tions. If success has not followed our efforts, in the last
campaigns, I attribute much of it to the Aides-de-Camp,
who did not properly distribute the orders of commanders.
* * * As to grain, enough has been found in the Provinces,
for our supply. * * * I assure you, very sincerely, that
whenever I review our troops^ then I ardently desire that
they may again meet the enemy. When I think of our
French people, I can well understand that they long for
peace — but the glory and the interests of the nation will
be sure to arrive at it, by and by, and a better one than is
now offered."

This was rather a roseate view ; for the troops then were
half starved.

In June, 1709, Louis thus wrote to the Marquis de Vil-
lars, so that he might no longer remain inactive : " You
were right in supposing that it would be impossible for me
to accept conditions which would only give a suspension of
arms for two months, and which would put me in the neces-

17° THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

sity to join myself to my enemies, in order to dethrone the
King of Spain ; or to recommence the war with them, after
having put them in possession of the strongest places on the
frontier, and which they would have .difificulty in taking, if
I could find means to feed and pay my own troops. I have
instructed M. Rouill6 to declare that I will not accept the
propositions that have been made, and that I revoke all
the offers that the Marquis de Torcy may have made, in
my behalf."

The King of France therefore, with much spirit, disdain-
fully refused to accede to the terms offered by the Allies,
involving as they did not only a concession of all he had
gained by the war, not only the loss of all his political and
military advantages for the last forty years, but the driv-
ing of his grandson from a monarchy, where he was reign-
ing, not only by a legitimate right, but by the consent of
the people.

Louis, accordingly, made renewed efforts for the contin-
uance of the war ; and issued a spirited and dignified mani-
festo to the French people,' giving his reasons for refusing
peace, rehearsing the odious exactions of his enemies, and
appealing to his subjects to assist him, in saving the honor
of France, and calling them to battle for the very existence
of the kingdom.

In this circular manifesto Louis thus, in part, addresses
his subjects : " The more I have testified my willingness
to remove the alleged apprehensions of my enemies, as to
my designs, and the extension of my power, the more do
they add to their pretensions, so that, through adding, by
degrees, new demands to their original ones, and making
use of the name of the Duke of Savoy, or of the interests
of the Princes of the Empire, they have led me to under-
stand that their intention was only to gain strength for
themselves in the States bordering my dominions, at the
expense of my Crown ; and to open, for themselves, an easy
path to penetrate into the interior of my kingdom at any
time it might suit their interests to undertake a new war.
But, although my tenderness for my people is not less
strong than that which I have for my children ; although I

DE TERMINA TION OF PHILIP. 1 7 1

share in all the evil that the war inflicts on such faithful
subjects, and that I have shown all Europe that I sincerely
desired them to enjoy peace, I am persuaded that they
would oppose themselves to conditions so contrary to jus-
tice and the honor of Frenchmen."

This address had a great effect in arousing the French to
new sacrifices and exertions. Still feeling, however, that
efforts for peace, in justice to his subjects, should not cease,
exertions towards such a result were still kept up, by the
King.

PHILIP'S DETERMINATION TO REMAIN.

The principal point of objection to the former prelimi-
naries was that the evacuation and cession of the Spanish
dominions should take effect within two months, or that
the treaty should be not carried out.

This Louis looked upon as an impossible condition for
him to undertake, particularly, as the Spaniards and their
king were valiantly fighting to sustain themselves, and the
young king absolutely refused to yield his dominions.

Philip V. had indignantly scouted the propositions of the
Allies, and proclaimed that he would never leave Spain,
alive.

When the matter of his removal had been first agitated
he had written as follows to his grandfather. This letter
was dated on November 5, 1708 : "I was astounded with
what you write to M. Amelot, (the French minister,) of the
chimerical and insolent pretensions of the English and Hol-
landers, as preliminaries of peace. Such terms are unheard
of, and I cannot even think that you can listen to them ;
you, who by your actions, have made yourself the most
glorious King in the world ! But, I feel outraged that any
one could imagine that I can be obliged to leave Spain,
while I have a drop of blood in my veins. The blood that
runs there is not capable of sustaining such an affront. I
will make every effort to maintain myself on a throne
where God has placed me, and where, after Him', you have
placed me ; and nothing can drag me from it, nor make
me yield it, but Death itself ! "

CHAPTER XIX.

The War in 1709.— Active Preparations by France and the Allies.— Oper-
ations on the Rhine. — The terrible Battle of Malplaguef.— Detailed
Description of the Battle.

THE WAR, 1709.

While these negotiations had been going on, great prepa-
rations had been made by the Allies, in order to press their
advantages, so as to conquer a final peace ; and to so hu-
miliate and weaken France that she might never again be
a disturbing power in Europe.

The spirit of the French king and his chivalric nobility,
however, was still extant, and his valiant generals and sol-
diers were not entirely disheartened. Active preparations
were made in all the frontier provinces to collect supplies
for the troops. Forces were gathered from all quarters of
the kingdom, in order to put a formidable army in the field ;
and vigorous recruiting and impressing so swelled the de-
pleted ranks, that Villars, appointed to the chief command,
found himself at the head of an army in Flanders, little in-
ferior to that of the Allies.

On the Rhine the French defeated the Germans at Ru-
mersheim, and prevented the Elector of Hanover from
forming a junction with the Duke of Savoy in Franche-
Comt^, which he had undertaken, with a view to drive the
French out of that province.

In the Netherlands, the Allies had concentrated a large
force of 110,000 men; and, after skilful tactics, by which
they out-manoeuvred Villars, they besieged and took Tour-
nay, and then laid siege to Mons, which Villars sought to
relieve, with a large army, and fortified himself near Mal-
plaquet.

The Duke of Marlborough and Prince Eugene subse-
quently attacked Villars in his intrenchments, and the most
bloody and obstinately contested battle of the war ensued,

172

BATTLE OF MALPLAQUET. 173

— fought on Sept. 11, 1709; in which, although the Allies
lost upwards of 20,000 killed or wounded, they caused Vil-
lars to retreat, and Mons was taken.

Although it is no part of the design of this historical re-
view to describe, in detail, the military operations of the war,
yet it may not be out of place to give an extended account
of the great battle of Malplaquet,* as illustrating the ter-
rible nature of the engagements between great armies at
this period, and as particularly showing the gallant fighting
qualities of the soldiers to whom Marlborough was opposed
during his campaigns, as well as the persistent valor of the
troops he commanded.

BATTLE OF MALPLAQUET.

" As the morning of the eventful i ith of September began
to dawn, a mist overspread the woods, and concealed the
armies from each other. In the camp of the allies divine
service was solemnly performed at three in the morning,
with the usual marks of devotion, after the example of their
chief ; silence and order reigned through all the ranks, as
they steadily marched from the bivouac to their posts.
Under cover of the fog, the pieces composing the grand
battery of the centre were conveyed to the appointed spot,
and covered with an epaulement, to prevent an enfilade,
while the Dutch likewise moved forward their heavy guns
on the left.

" The grand guard of the enemy giving instant notice that
the Allies were making their dispositions for the attack, the
French soldiers discontinued working at the intrench-
ments, and stood to their arms. The troops on both sides,

* This precise account of the great battle was compiled by Archdeacon
Coxe and his late editors, after careful consultation of many authorities,
the most important of which were Quincy's great work on the battles
during the reign of Louis XIV., the historical memoirs of Lamberti, the
lives of Villars and Prince Eugene, " Life of Marlborough," written by
order of Buonaparte, Milner's "Journal of Marches and Battles," Brod-
erick's "History of the Late War," " Military History of Great Britain,"
" Chronologic Historique et Militaire," and " Commentaires de Folard."
There were over thirty other works consulted.

174 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

though harassed by fatigue and want of rest, manifested
no diminution of their usual spirit, at the approach of
this long-expected engagement. The French gave signal
proofs of unbounded confidence in their new general, whom
they adored, and in whose abilities they confided. Eight
campaigns had been successively marked with disasters ;
all their former leaders had seen their laurels wither before
the two great opponents, and the formidable troops that
now stood arrayed in their front ; yet, no sooner was the
command entrusted to this favorite chief, than their defeats
were forgotten, and they resumed their national ardor,
which they testified, as he rode along the ranks, by exclaim-
ing, ' Vive le Roi, vive le Mar^chal Villars ! ' Many of the
soldiers, though ill supplied with provisions for several
days, even threw away their rations of bread, in their eager-
ness to begin the engagement. At seven, Villars mounted
his horse, and requested Marshal BoufBers to assume the
command of the right wing, while he himself superintended
the movements of the left.

" In the allied camps the national character of the troops
was more sedately expressed, by the punctuality of obedi-
ence, by the stern frown or contemptuous sarcasm, and by
the general exclamation, in allusion to the French intrench-
ments, 'that they were again obliged to make war upon
moles ! ' The whole army was in readiness to advance be-
fore dawn. The commanders-in-chief, with the prince royal
of Prussia, and the deputy Goslinga, surveyed the execu-
tion of the preparatory dispositions, in every part of the
field.

"The fog still lingering on the ground, protracted the
moment of onset ; but, at half-past seven, the sun broke
forth, and as soon as the artillery could point with precis-
ion, the fire opened on both sides, with an animation and
effect indicative of the ardor which reigned in every bosom.
In a moment, the French household troops in the rear of
the lines, had several killed and wounded, and the allied
chiefs witnessed similar effects as they rode along their owji
ranks, although the two armies were almost concealed from
each other, by the intrenchments and inequalities of the

BATTLE OF MALPLAQUET. 175

ground. Soon after the opening of the cannonade, Villars
and BoufBers repaired to their respective posts ; and the
two confederate generals also separated — Eugene to direct
the movements of the right, and Marlborough those of the
centre and left.

" The attack commenced on the side of the allies, against
the right and centre of the French, in two dense columns ;
the first under the Prince of Orange, and the other under
Count Lottum. Suddenly the Dutch column halted, ac-
cording to orders, and drew up in several lines beyond the
reach of grape ; while that of Lottum moved forward re-
gardless of the fire, to the rear of the principal allied bat-
tery, and, wheeling to the right, formed in three lines. As
these columns took their stations, Schulemberg advanced
at the head of 40 battalions, ranged in three lines.

" After a short pause in the cannonade, the signal of onset
was given, at nine, by a general volley from the grand bat-
tery. Schulemberg instantly advanced along the edge of
the wood of Sart, direct upon the projecting point of the
enemy's left wing ; while Lottum marched around the grand
battery, to attack the other face of the angle ; and as he
cleared the ground, Lord Orkney deployed his fifteen bat-
talions to cover his left, and face the hostile centre. The
three battalions, drawn from the blockading corps before
Mons, likewise pressed forward, under the orders of Gau-
vain, and entered the wood of Sart unperceived. At this
moment, Eugene came up to the troops of Schulemberg,
and found them passing several streamlets, and entering the
wood. They were suffered by the enemy to approach
within pistol shot, and then received a volley which forced
several battalions to recoil, more than 200 yards. A furi-
ous storm of musketry ensued, and the French brigade of
Charost, being partly advanced in an abatis, was either
driven from its station, or withdrew, to avoid a flank attack.
The Austrian battalions on the right, being impeded by a
morass in front, made a circuitous movement, and fell in
with the brigade of Gauvain. These corps, thus fortui-
tously united, began to penetrate into the wood, as fast as
the obstructions which they encountered would permit,

176 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

but were checked by the troops of Charost, and exchanged
a vigorous fire of musketry with the enemy. Scarcely was
this attack begun, before Marlborough, advancing towards
the centre, led on in person the troops of Count Lottum.
At some distance they were greeted by volleys of musket-
ry from the brigade Du Roi, without shaking the firmness
of their ranks ; they passed some inclosures, descended the
hollow bank of the rivulet, and waded through the swamp
under a galling fire. Reaching the foot of the intrench-
ment, though disordered by the difficulty of the approach,
and the loss they had sustained, they made the most furi-
ous effort to ascend the breastwork, but were repulsed by
the French troops, who were encouraged by the presence of
Villars. himself. Meanwhile, Withers advanced in silence
through the woods, in the direction of La Folie, and by
this demonstration distracted the attention of the enemy ;
but as yet not a single shot was fired on that side. Both
the first lines of attack, on the right, having suffered se-
verely, Eugene and Schulemberg filled up the intervals,
and extended the flanks with part of the second ; they then
advanced again and dislodged the brigades of La Reine and
Charost, but could not force those of Picardie and La Ma-
rine, notwithstanding the great exertions of the Danes,
Saxons and Hessians. Count Lottum now returned. to the
attack, while Marlborough placed himself at the head of
D'Auvergne's cavalry to sustain him. At this moment the
Duke of Argyle ordered a British brigade of the second
line to extend the left, and the whole renewed the charge.
As the attacks embraced a wider front this fresh brigade
came opposite an opening in the intrenchm'ents ; but the
access was through a marshy spot, almost impassable.
While they were entangled in the swamp, the active Chem-
erault, with twelve battalions, drawn from the second line
of the French left centre, passed the intrenchments, and
prepared to charge their left flank. But Villars, who was
on the border of the wood, remarking Marlborough with
his staff at the head of D'Auvergne's cavalry, galloped for-
ward, and stopped them at the moment when their farther
advance would have been fatal. Free on the flank, the left

BATTLE OF MALPLAQUET. ITJ

of Count Lottum then penetrated the intrenchment, turned
the right of the brigade Du Roi, and forced the French
gradually back in the wood. The brigades of Champagne
and Picardie, pressed by the double assault of Schulemberg
on one side, and of Lottum on the other, found a moment-
ary asylum behind an abatis ; and the Royal Marine, after
a vigorous stand, was compelled to follow their example.
The rest retreated in disorder through the wood, which was
so close, that the lines were broken into parties, and every
tree was disputed. Meanwhile the appointed half-hour of
the first onset had elapsed, when the Prince of Orange, im-
patient of delay, resolved to attack, although not supported
by the corps of Withers, and without waiting the consent
of Marshal Tilly. In obedience to the particular disposi-
tion issued the preceding evening, the left of the whole
front was led by Major-general Hamilton, and Brigadier
Douglas, with four battalions, among whom was the Scot-
tish brigade, in four lines, with orders to enter the wood
and attack the grenadiers, who covered the right flank of
the enemy. Nine battalions, commanded by Lieutenant-
generals Spaar and Oxenstiern, were to advance against the
salient angle of the intrenchment next the wood ; and to
the right of these, six battalions, in three lines, led by
Lieutenant-generals Dohna and Heyden, were to carry the
battery on the road to Malplaquet. Generals Welderen
and Rank, with four battalions, in two lines, received direc-
tions to skirt the hedges of Bleron, and force the intrench-
ment to the right of the battery. Beyond these in the en-
closures of Bleron, seven battalions, part of which had been
destined at first to act defensively under Major-generals
Pallant and Ammama, were now to advance in three lines,
and attack the point of the projecting intrenchment, de-
fended by the brigades of Laonois and Alsace.

" The whole was supported by the hereditary prince of
Hesse-Cassel, with twenty-one squadrons, in two lines, and
preceded by the cannon allotted to that corps. A few
squadrons remained between Aulnoit and the farm of Ni-
vergies, to observe the opening in rear of the left. On the
word to march, all were instantly in motion, led on by

178 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

the aspiring Prince of Orange, at the head of the first nine
battalions, under a tremendous shower of grape and mus-
ketry. He had scarcely advanced a few paces, when the
brave Oxenstiern was killed by his side, and several aides-
de-camp and attendants successively dropped as he ad-
vanced. His own horse being killed, he rushed forward on
foot ; and as he passed the opening of the great flanking
battery, whole ranks were swept away ; yet he reached the
intrenchment, and, waving his hat, in an instant the breast-
work was forced at the point of the bayonet, by the Dutch
guards and highlanders. But, before they could deploy,
they were driven from the post by an impetuous charge
from the troops of the French left, who had been rallied
by Marshal Boufiflers. At this moment the corps, under
Dohna, moved gallantly against the battery on the road,
penetrated into the embrasures, and took some colors : but
ere they reached the front of the breastwork, were mowed
down by the battery on their flank. A dreadful carnage
took place among all the troops in this concerted attack ;
Spaar lay dead upon the field, Hamilton was carried off
wounded, and the lines, beginning to waver, recoiled a few
paces. Deriving fresh spirit from this repulse, the heroic
Prince of Orange mounted another horse, and when that
was shot under him, his native energy was not shaken ; he
rallied the nearest troops, took a standard from the regi-
ment of Mey, and marching on foot almost alone to the in-
trenchment, he planted the colors on the bank, and called
aloud, ' Follow me, my friends ; here is your post.' Fore-
most among the assailants was the heir of Athol, the gal-
lant Marquis of Tullibardine, followed by his faithful high-
landers ; he sought honor in a foreign service and died the
death of heroes. Lieutenant-general Week shared his
glorious fate, and the Swiss brigadier Mey was severely
wounded. Again the onset was renewed, but it was no
longer possible to force the enemy ; for their second line
had closed up, and the whole breastwork bristled with bayo-
nets and blazed with fire. The brigade of Navarre, which
had been sent to re-enforce the centre, was recalled ; and
the French soldiers, disregarding the control of their ofifi-

BATTLE OF MALPLAQUET. 179

cers, opened the intrenchment, and made a furious charge.
The disordered ranks of the Dutch battalions were beat
back, over heaps of slain companions ; they lost several col-
ors, and their advanced battery fell into the hands of the
French. In this moment of confusion, though pursued by
the horse grenadiers, whom BoufHers had sent forward to
improve the advantage, they (the Dutch) presented so firm
a front as to awe their assailants, and were* supported by the
Prince of Hesse and his brave squadrons. In these attacks
near two thousand men were killed ; and the number of
wounded was still greater ; two battalions of blue guards
being nearly annihilated.

" In the midst of the conflict. Baron Fagel led on the seven
battalions under Lieutenant-general Pallant, to storm the
projecting intrenchment, near the farm of Bleron, through
the enclosures which covered the front. Notwithstanding
a heavy fire, they reached the breastwork, and drove the
brigade of Laonois from the parapet ; till meeting with an
obstinate resistance from the veteran Brigadier Steckem-
berg and his valiant corps, they were compelled to relin-
quish the post. During this unequal conflict, Goslinga had
led on the troops with unexampled courage, -and witnessing
the danger of his gallant countrymen, galloped toward the
right, to demand assistance. Meeting Lieutenant-general
Rantzau, who, with four battalions of Hanoverians, was
posted on the edge of the rivulet near the wood of Tiry, he
represented to him the critical situation of the Dutch ; and
when the general stated his positive instructions not to
move without orders, he extorted, after much importunity,
a re-enforcement of two battalions.

" While the deputy, not satisfied with this relief, hastened
across the field in search of Marlborough, the attack on the
left was renewed with the aid of this re-enforcement, and
the intrenchment carried ; but, mowed down as before by
grape shot, and charged by Steckemberg, the assailants
were again repulsed with prodigious loss. All the Han-
overian officers, except three, were killed or wounded, and
the French maintained their post, though with the sacrifice

l8o THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

of their best soldiers, and among others, of their veteran
chief, who here closed his long and honorable career.

" In this anxious crisis, Goslinga met Marlborough, who,
leaving Lottum to continue his successful attack, was him-
self hastening to remedy the disorder on the left. As they
rode together to join the Prince of Orange, the duke per-
ceived that Rantzau with his two battalions had attacked a
party of the enemy, who quitted the intrenchment to
occupy an advanced ravine. He likewise remarked the
shattered remains of the Dutch infantry reluctantly meas-
uring back their steps to the first enclosures beyond the
reach of grape shot. He accordingly ordered Rantzau to
retire to his former post, and not to move again till he
should receive directions from himself.

" With a heavy heart he beheld many victims of incon-
siderate valor, and witnessed, with equal concern and
admiration, numbers of the wounded Dutch returning from
the hands of the surgeons, to resume their station in the
ranks. Here he was joined by Eugene, bending likewise
his course to the left with no less solicitude. While they
were giving precautionary orders to that wing, a British
officer arrived from the right, to inform them that the
enemy were attacking, in turn, with great fury and evident
advantage. During this time, Villars had ineffectually
sunimoned re-enforcements from his right ; for Boufflers
was too much weakened, even by his successful resistance,
to detach a part of his infantry. Thus reduced to the neces-
sity of drawing troops from his own centre, he reluctantly
called the Irish brigade and that of Bretagne to his assist-
ance, and was soon afterwards joined by the brigade of La
Sarre. With the aid of these and other re-enforcements, a
furious charge was made into the wood of Taisniere upon
the British and Prussians, who recoiled a considerable way
before the impetuous onset of the Irish. But the nature
of the spot upon which they fought soon divided their
ranks and retarded their progress.

"At this moment, the allied troops were cheered by the
return of Marlborough, who, on the intelligence of their
critical situation, again hastened to the right of his centre.

BATTLE OF MALPLAQUET. l8l

to co-operate with the attack from the army of Eugene.
Meanwhile Schulemberg, having forced his way round the
marsh, pushed the enemy gradually before him ; and from
the thickness of the wood, the fight became rather a multi-
plicity of skirmishes and single combats than a regular
engagement; the sight of the contending parties being
impeded by a thick foliage and a dense atmosphere bf
smoke.

" The troops of the right were also animated by the return
of Eugene, who, as he was rallying his men, and gallantly
leading them to the charge, was struck by a musket-ball
behind the ear. His attendants pressed him to retire, that
the wound might be dressed ; but the hero replied, ' If I
am fated to die here, to what purpose can it be to dress the
wound ? ' If I survive, it will be time enough in the even-
ing ; and instantly rushed into the thickest of the fire.
His presence roused the brave German battalions, and they
recovered the lost ground, pressing forwards, in great
numbers, by a kind of opening between the woods of Sart
and Taisniere, along the road to the wood of Jean-Sart.
His efforts were now seconded by General Withers, from
his station at La Folie. As soon as this corps reached the
debouche of the woods of Blangies and Jean-Sart, the
squadrons drew up behind the hamlet of La Folie, while
four battalions covered their left flank, and secured the
avenues on the side of Sart. With the remaining fifteen,
Withers passed the little rivulet, crossed a small coppice,
and took post in the hedges of La Folie. The Danish and
Saxon squadrons, who composed part of his corps, then
advanced, with the intention of flanking the left of the
position of Villars ; but only six squadrons had formed,
when the Chevalier du Rosel, at the head of the cara-
bineers, charged and drove them back. Notwithstanding
this repulse, it was the progress of the corps under Withers,
which hastened the retreat of the enemy's left out of the
wood of Taisniere, and alarmed Villars.

" In the carnage, Chemerault and Pallavicini fell ; and
the several brigades, fluctuating through the marshes and
thickest parts of the wood, were mingled together in con-

i82 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

siderable disorder. Villars had hastened to sustain them
with the Irish brigades drawn from the centre ; while
Albergotti had posted those of Charost and Du Roi to
check Withers in the nearest hedges of the farm of La
Folie.

" To their right was the brigade of Champagne, forming a
flank in the last copses, with the left to the marshy stream-
let which passes near the farm ; in the rear of Champagne
the brigades of Gondrin and Tourville drew up, and behind
them was the cavalry on the plain. The regiments of La
Reine and Xaintonges supported the brigade Du Roi, and
covered its left ilank. Before this disposition was arranged,
Villars also formed a corps of twelve battalions, in two
lines, at fifty paces from the wood. At this moment
Eugene advanced at the head of five German regiments,
and opened a destructive fire.

" They were charged by the French with bayonets, under
the immediate direction of Villars ; but in the heat of the
combat his horse was shot, and a second musket ball struck
him above the knee. Unable to move, he called for a chair,
that he might continue in the field ; till, fainting from the
anguish of the wound, he was carried senseless to Quesnoy.
Notwithstanding his loss, the allied battalions were driven
back to the edge of the wood of Taisniere, from whence
they did not again attempt to advance. Thus, after an
obstinate conflict of four hours, the Confederate forces only
obtained possession of the intrenchments and wood on the
enemy's left, but realized so much of their plan, that while
they compelled their opponents to employ almost all their
infantry on both flanks, they were at liberty to execute the
ulterior object of the disposition, by attacking the hostile
centre. The right of Marlborough, forming the centre of
the allied army, had coolly waited for the proper moment
of onset. As soon as the enemy began to draw their can-
non out of the intrenchments, he ordered Lord Orkney to
make a decisive effort upon the redans in the centre. This
gallant officer, assisted by Rantzau, Vink, and other gen-
erals, had gradually advanced in proportion as Lottum
gained ground ; and behind him was the Prince d'Auvergne

BA TTLE OF l^ALPLAQUE T. 183

with thirty squadrons of Dutch cavalry in two lines; in
their rear was the British cavalry, under Lieutenant-general
Wood, the Prussians and Hanoverians, commanded by Gen-
eral Bulau ; and the whole imperial cavalry, under the Duke
of Wirtemberg and Count of Vehlen, stood formed in col-
umns, ready to move at the first order. Lord Orkney, ad-
vancing in one line, at a single onset took possession of all
the redans, overpowering the Bavarian and Cologne guards,
who were left almost unsupported, in consequence of the
drafts from the centre to re-enforce the left. The heavy
battery of the British centre had likewise been brought for-
ward, and turned against these troops.

"As soon, therefore, as. the allies were masters of the
redans, the guns of the central battery, which had been
directed upon them, moved rapidly to the right and left,
and opened a tremendous cannonade across their rear,
upon the lines of hostile cavalry drawn up along the plain.
The French horse receding, Rantzau, with his two battal-
ions, turned the left flank of the French and Swiss guards,
and dislodged them. At the same moment, the Prince of
Orange, not daunted by his former repulse, renewed the
attack, and the brigades of Laonois and Alsace were driven
out of the projecting intrenchment. Meanwhile, the Prince
d'Auvergne passed the French works, and began to form
his cavalry.

" The crisis of this sanguinary battle was now arrived.
The intrepid Auvergne was charged by the hostile cavalry,
and though only a part of his front was in line, he with-
stood the shock and repulsed them. The foremost squad-
rons of the enemy were dispersed only to make room for
nobler champions, who advanced in gallant order ; the gay,
the vain, yet truly valiant gendarmerie of France, headed
by Boufiflers. The Marshal had remained with his wing,
till he received the alarming intelligence that the allies had
broken through the centre. Ordering the household horse
to follow, he flew to the spot, and found the gens d'armes
ready to charge ; after a short and cheering address he
placed himself at their head, and darted upon his antag-
onists, who were extending their lines in proportion as they

184 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

came up through the openings of the redans. Notwith-
standing all the efforts of the gallant Auvergne, the allied
squadrons were driven back to the intrenchments, but
Lord Orkney, having taken the precaution to post his
infantry upon the parapets, poured in a most destructive
fire, which repulsed the gens d'armes, in their turn. Thrice
these charges were repeated, and thrice the impetuous
assailants were repulsed by the combined fires of the mus-
ketry, and the cross batteries on the flanks. In the midst
of this arduous struggle Marlborough came up, and led for-
ward a second line of British and Prussian cavalry, under
the command of Bulau and Wood. They fell on the dis-
comfited squadrons who were attempting to withdraw, and
would have swept them from the field, but for the advance
of a formidable body of two thousand men, consisting of
the gardes du corps, light horse, mousquetaires, and horse
grenadiers of the royal household.

" These gallant cavaliers had hastened from the right to
share the dangers of the centre, and were also led to the
charge by Marshal Boufflers. Their onset was irresistible ;
they broke through the first and second lines and threw
the third into confusion. But the force of the allies, on
this point, was now opportunely augmented ; the whole of
Eugene's cavalry having followed at a full gallop in rear of
the duke's right wing. The "presence of this illustrious hero
animated his troops, and by the judicious dispositions of
the two commanders the assailants were outflanked, and
being galled by a cross fire from the infantry, retreated to
the plain. Their spirit, however, was not subdued, for they
still rallied, and renewed the charge several times, though
without making any considerable impression. Glowing
with zeal to encounter an enemy worthy of their valor, the
allied cavalry moved forward with redoubled ardor equal
in spirit, but superior in numbers, and drove this intrepid
and distinguished body behind the rivulet of Camp Perdu.

" Before this charge took place, the Prince of Hesse had
watched with eager impatience the proper moment to act.
Observing Lord Orkney's advance, and Rantzau's manoeu-
vre upon the flank of the French guards, he pushed for-

BATTLE OF MALPLAQUET. 185

ward in column, passed the redans, and wheeling to tTie
left, took the right of the hostile infantry in flank, This
daring manoeuvre had the desired effect, the enemy
crowded to their right, and were again attacked by the.
Prince of Orange, who had re-occupied the intrenchments,
with little resistance.

" While the Marquis de Vahfere and his noble comrades
rallied the household troops, and the rest of the cavalry on
the plain, Boufflers cast an anxious and scrutinizing eye
over the field of battle. He beheld his centre pierced, his
right dislodged, the communication with his left cut off,
and the ablest officers under his command killed or wounded.
Still, however, his gallant spirit was unwilling to recede, till
he received advice that Legal, who commanded the left,
was in full retreat with his cavalry, and about fifty bat-
talions under Puysegur ; he therefore reluctantly ordered
a general retreat in the direction of Bavai. D'Artagnan
marched off in close columns through the woods ; Boufflers
crossed the Hon, at Taisniere and the neighboring hamlet ;
Luxembourg covered the rear with the reserve. Beyond
the woods, on the plain, in front of Bavai, the infantry and
cavalry rejoined, and after halting to collect the stragglers,
and break down the bridges, passed the Honeau, in the
vicinity of that town. Their left withdrew towards Que-
vrain, and effected their retreat with little loss, because the
allies were too much exhausted and reduced to pursue them
in force. They passed the Honeau at Audrigni^s and
Quevrain, where a brigade of their infantry was posted. In
the course of the night they traversed the Ronelle and
gradually re-assembled at a camp between Quesnoy and
Valenciennes. This has been justly considered as a mas-
terly retreat, and was applauded by Eugene and Marlbor-
ough, themselves. The allied forces, exhausted with
fatigue, halted near the field of battle on the plain,
stretching from Malplaquet beyond Taisniere. The en-
gagement being so desperate, and little quarter given on
either side, not more than 500 prisoners were taken by
the allies, except those who were left wounded on the
field ; and who amounted to about three thousand. Few

i86 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

cannon or colors were captured, and the victory was only
manifested by the retreat of the French, and the sub-
sequent investment of Mons. The respective losses in
this desperate engagement have been, as usual, erroneously
stated. Villars, with his wonted exaggeration, estimated
the number of killed and wounded at 35,000 on the side
of the allies. The official accounts, however, return, of in-
fantry alone, 5544 killed and 12,706 wounded and miss-
ing, making a total of 18,250; and among these 286
officers killed, and 762 wounded. But when we take
into account the loss of the cavalry, and consider the
obstinate resistance of the French, behind their intrench-
ments, we may conclude that the killed and wounded
on the side of the confederates did not fall short of 20,000
men. Of course, the French endeavored to extenuate
their loss. In one of his letters to the king, Villars limits
it to 6000 men, and the highest estimate, by other
French writers, gives only 8137 killed, wounded, and pris-
oners ; but from a comparison of ^their own authorities,
we may reasonably calculate their loss at not less than
14,000 men exclusive of deserters."

The loss of the French being much less than that of the
allies, so accustomed were the former lately to discomfit-
ure, that a defeat, where so great loss was inflicted on the
enemy, was considered as half a victory.

Villars was so satisfied with his own side, that he wrote
that the enemy would have been annihilated by such an-
other victory. A French officer of distinction wrote soon
after this great battle : " The Eugenes and Marlboroughs
ought to be well satisfied with us during that day, since,
till then, they had not met with resistance worthy of them.
They may, with justice, say, that nothing can stand before
them; and, indeed, what shall be able to stem the rapid
course of these two heroes, if an army of 100,000 of the
best troops posted between two woods, trebly intrenched,
and performing their duty as well as any brave men could
do, will not be able to stop them, one day ? Will you not
then own with me that they surpass all the heroes of for-
mer ages? "

CHAPTER XX.

The French driven back from Flanders. — Defeat of the Allies, in Spain. —
Renewed efforts by Louis for Peace. — The Negotiations at Gertruy-
denberg. — Humiliating Requisitions of the Allies. — Louis alone to
remove his Grandson. — Spirited Response of the French Agents. —
Louis rejects the conditions. — Address by the English Ministry to
the States General. — Marlborough and Eugene oppose any Peace,
and propose to march into France. — Madame de Maintenon's med-
dling in the War. — The Condition of Spain. — Letter of the Queen to
Louis. — Resolve of Philip and the Spaniards to fight to the last.-;—
War in 1710-1711. — Philip again driven from Madrid. — His Refusal
to abandon his Crown. — Vendome sent to Spain. — Victories of Brig-
huega and Villaviciosa. — Philip re-enters Madrid.— War in Flan-
ders. — Taking of Bouchain. — Taking of Rio de Janeiro.

THE NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE AT GERTRUYDENBERG.

By the conquest of Mons, following the battle of Malpla-
quet, and other places on the Lys and the Dyle, the protec-
tion of the great towns in Brabant and Flanders was as-
sured ; the Dutch frontier was strengthened, and the
French driven back to seek future supplies for the war,
within their own territories.

In Spain, however, the Spanish army had defeated the
Earl of Galway, at Badajoz, and the fortunes of Philip were
far from being on the wane.

The victories of the Allies, however, during the campaign
of 1709, again disposed Louis to take steps for peace.

Winter had now put a stop to hostilities, that had, in
the main, ended advantageously for the Allies ; and the
King was disposed to make new sacrifices, in order to save
his kingdom. Accordingly, the Marshal d'Huxelles and
the Ahh6 de Polignac were sent to Holland, to enter into
negotiations on the part of France, and arrived there in the
early Spring of 1710. They established themselves at
Gertruydenberg, where the principal negotiations were
held.

187

i88 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

The main point of dispute was, of course, the " succes-
sion " or the dismemberment of the Spanish dominions :
and a harsh exaction of the Allies was, that Louis should
peaceably or forcibly, if necessary, cause his grandson to
relinquish his dominions, and should do it alone.

The cession of Alsace was also a point exacted by the
Allies ; which Louis, under the stress of circumstances,
was disposed to yield ; and also, even the point, that Philip
was to have the kingdoms of Sicily and Sardinia. Louis
also went so far as to offer to acknowledge the Archduke
Charles, as King of Spain, to withhold all assistance to his
grandson, and to prohibit French soldiers from enlisting in
the Spanish army ; and, furthermore, to stipulate that the
Spanish monarchy should never be united to that of
France. He was, also, willing to concede, that a barrier
should be constructed for Holland, that he would raze
Dunkirk and his fortresses on the Rhine, yield up Stras-
burg and other districts, acknowledge Queen Ann and the
established Protestant succession in England, and banish
the English Pretender : he offered, further, to deliver cer-
tain towns, as security for the observance of his obliga-
tions. But the inexorable trio, Heinsius, Marlborough and
Eugene, wanted still further concessions, and still insisted,
as a sine qua non, on the immediate removal of the King
of Spain, granting a truce of two months for the pur-
pose ; Louis himself, to be the instrument of removing his
grandson.

It was claimed, in these terms, by the representative of
the Emperor, Count Sinzendorff, that " France, being the
sole cause of all the evils of the war, the Allies cannot be
blamed for claiming that she is obliged to redress them, at
her own expense. She has violated, in order to crown the
Duke of Anjou, the most solemn treaties, the most positive
renunciations, and the most sacred oaths. Is it not right
that she should bear the penalty of her breaches of faith
and her perjuries? "

The words of D'Huxelles and the Abb6 de Polignac, in
their response to Heinsius, the Grand Pensionary, on the
subsequent rupture of the negotiations at Gertruydenberg

SPIRITED RESPONSE OF THE FRENCH AGENTS. 189

(July 20, 1 7 10), Strongly expressed the feeling of their
master, in regard to this persistent effort to humiliate him.

They thus wrote, in speaking of the severe and impracti-
cable proposals which the Dutch Deputies had made :
" They told us that the Republic and her allies were for
obliging the King, our master, to make war, alone, upon
the King, his grandson, to compel him to renounce his
crown ; and that, without uniting their forces to those of
his majesty, they would have that monarch dispossessed of
Spain and the Indies, within the term of two months."

The Plenipotentiaries thus concluded : " Should we con-
tinue any longer at Gertruydenberg, nay, should we spend
whole years, in Holland, our stay would be to no purpose,
since those who govern the Republic are persuaded that
it is their interest to make the Peace depend upon an im-
practicable condition. We do not pretend to persuade
them to continue a negotiation which they have a mind to
break off ; and, in short, whatever desire the King, our
master, has to procure quiet for his people, it will be less
grievous to them to support the war, an end of which his
majesty would have purchased at so dear a rate, against
the same enemies he had been fighting with, these ten
years, than to see him add to them the King, his grandson,
and rashly undertake to conquer Spain and the Indies, in
the space of two months, in a certain assurance, when that
term is expired, to find his enemies strengthened by the
places he must yield to them ; and, by consequence, in a
condition to turn upon him the new arms he should have
put into their hands. This, sir, is the positive answer the
King has ordered us to return to you, upon the new pro-
posals of the Deputies. We do it at the end of six days,
instead of fifteen, which they allowed us, as a favor. This
despatch will at least convince you that we do not endeavor
to amuse you."

On this letter being received, the States General resolved,
after conference with the ministers of the other Allies, to
continue the war with greater vigor, alleging that it was
apparent from the communication of the French political
agents, that France was exerting itself to render the main

igo THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

article, viz., the Restitution of Spain, uncertain in the exe-
cution.

They also claimed that the High Allies had a right to
demand the restitution of Spain and the Spanish Indies
with their dependencies, for the House of Austria ; and to
assert this claim, not only against " the Duke of Anjou, as
the possessor, but principally against the King of France
as the Person, who, contrary to the most ample renunciations,
and the most solemn treaties, seized the said Dominions,
in such a manner as is known to all men ; and who, by
consequence, is under an obligation to restore them."

They also allege, with much plausibility, the impossibility
of any forces of the Allies properly and harmoniously oper-
ating with those of France, in dispossessing the Franco-
Spanish monarch.

In the fierce words of the Dutch Deputies, " The will of
the Allies is, that the King shall undertake, either to per-
suade the King of Spain, or to compel him, by his own
armies, to give up his entire kingdom. Neither the pay-
ment of money, nor the union of French troops with ours,
will suit us. The simple execution of this Treaty is the
only guaranty they require, and that these preliminary
articles be carried out, in the space of two months. That
time expired, the truce is broken ; the war will be renewed,
even if, on the part of the French king, all the other of the
preliminary conditions are fully carried out."

The above conditions Louis informed the States he had
no power to perform, even if disposed so to do ; although,
it appeared that he had been so far humiliated and dis-
heartened, as to offer, as one of the terms of the prelim-
inaries, to place a certain sum with the Allies, to assist in
removing Philip from Spain.

After the rupture of the conferences at Gertruydenberg,
a resolution was drawn up by the States General and sent
to the Ministers of the Allies, justifying themselves in the
negotiations ; and showing that it was on account of the
obstinacy and' pretensions of the French King that the
conferences came to no result. To this notification the
English Ministry thus responded, on the 7th August, 1710:

THE FRENCH AGAIN CALLED TO ARMS. 191

High and Mighty Lords : Her Majesty, the Queen of
Great Britain, having considered the letter which the Mar-
shal d'Huxelles and the Abbd de Polignac wrote to the
Grand Pensionary on the 20th of the last month, in which
the French Ambassadors not only made use of false insinua-
tions as regards what has passed at the Conference, at
Gertruydenberg, in order to justify, by that, their bad
faith, trying at the same time to sow dissensions between
the High Allies, but, by an unheard of and unexampled
proceeding, making appeal for their justification to the
People of Great Britain and Holland, and in declaring for
themselves the continuation of the conferences useless, and
breaking up the negotiations. Her Majesty having been
informed of the above resolution, by your High Mighti-
nesses, has given order to her Ambassador to testify to
your Mightinesses, that she entirely approves of your reso-
lution and desires to express to you the great satisfaction
she experiences of your conduct, during these negotiations;
and assures them of her firm resolution to take vigorous
measures with her Allies to prosecute the war until an hon-
orable peace is obtained."

After the failure of the negotiations at Gertruydenberg
the Grand Monarque, now grand indeed in his spirit, again
called his subjects to arms. He issued a proclamation to
them reciting his efforts at peace, and the pretensions of
the Allies, and fixed a war-tax of ten per cent, on the rev-
enue of all property in the kingdom.

Both Marlborough and Prince Eugene, throughout all
this period were strongly opposed to peace. Besides the
feelings of personal hostility that each entertained towards
the French king, whose complete humiliation they desired
to accomplish from political motives, considerations as to
the continuance of their own personal renown and power,
doubtless, much influenced them, particularly as they saw
the conclusion near. Their highest dream was to enter
France, sword in .hand, and to dictate peace at Paris, to
the humiliated king.

It having been apparent that the conferences would be

192 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

productive of no result, D'Huxelles and the Abb6 Polignac
had abruptly departed from Gertruydenberg, on the 25 th
July, 1710, and returned to France.

Her fortresses taken, her frontiers unprotected, her
armies destroyed, her great generals defeated, her finances
exhausted, her realm depopulated, her commerce par-
alyzed, France was still unconquered ; and again, with a
heroic spirit, prepared for a renewal of the desperate
struggle.

Much of France's misfortunes in the field were due to
the meddling of Madame de Maintenon, in political and
military affairs ; she having her favorites and partisans to
be rewarded or placed. In 1701, at the beginning of the
war, the able commander Catinat had been deposed, by her
influence, and the incompetent Villeroi, her proteg^, sub-
stituted in his place. The inexperienced Chamillard was
maintained as minister of war, and subsequently removed,
and Voisin substituted, mainly by her influence. Chamil-
lard's removal was owing to his keeping secret from Ma-
dame a plan proposed for the taking of Lisle, a plan which
was frustrated by her action : and, often, the plans of the
generals were disconcerted and victories prevented by
orders from the Court, transmitted with no sufificient knowl-
edge of existing circumstances. Louis had no longer meia
like Colbert and Louvois at the head of his affairs ; ana
Chamillard and Voisin were feeble substitutes — without
experience, without genius, and without judgment. The
great warriors, Turenne, Cond6, Luxembourg and Crequi,
had disappeared from the field, for whom Marsin, Tallard
and Villeroi were poor substitutes, although Villars was a
man of vigor, skill and fighting qualities ; but he was
almost the sole reliance of the King. BoufHers had been
fighting for nearly fifty years — his last great feat was the
conduct of the retreat and saving the French army at Mal-
plaquet ; and now he and Catinat, the faithful — the inde-
fatigable — and the wisest of the marshals, worn out by
maladies and the hardships of their campaigns, were no
longer able to take the field.

While the negotiations at Gertruydenberg were in con-

LETTER OF THE SPANISH QUEEN. 193

templation, Louis wrote to his Ambassador at Madrid to
prepare the mind of Philip for anything that might hap-
pen. " There are conjunctures," he stated, " when courage
ought to yield to prudence ; and, as the Spanish people,
now full of zeal for him, may, at any time, change their
mind — he had better think of reigning in some one place
rather than to lose, at once, all his dominions."

The urgent appeals, however, of his grandson and his
heroic Queen doubtless had a powerful effect on Louis in
determining him to reject the proposals of the Allies.
" What will become of me and my children ? " wrote the
Queen to Louis — " such a course would be our death and
ruin — and could you put us into such a condition, when it
depends upon you to avert it? I cannot believe that your
humanity and the tenderness you have always shown me
will permit you, now, to abandon me."

This letter of the Queen of Spain had such an effect
upon Louis that he revoked orders he had given for the
withdrawal of the French troops, and, at first, consented,
to allow twenty-five of his battalions to remain in Spain,
but only until the Royal pair could provide for their
safety; and he thus wrote to his Ambassador: " It is im-
possible that this war can ever be finished, so long as
Philip remains upon the throne of Spain. This declaration
will be hard for him to bear, but it is a true one — and it is
necessary that he should be informed of this sad reality."

The subsequent rejection by Louis of the preliminaries
offered by the Allies settled, for the time, at least, the
question of any removal of the young king.

After the complete failure of the negotiations at Ger-
truydenberg, the Spanish Queen wrote this spirited letter
to Louis : " M. de Bleycourt, having communicated to me
the resolution that your Majesty has taken to recall your
Plenipotentiaries, on the last barbarous propositions of the
allies, I send you, by an express, my extreme thanks for
it, and the testimonial of our sincere disposition to assist
France, to sustain a war, which the aggression of our ene-
mies renders, every day, more necessary and just to our
side. We foresaw what would be the result of the Ger-
13

194 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

truydenberg negotiations ; persuaded that the English and
Hollanders require the removal of your grandson from
Spain, and that France may be put out of condition for
any future vengeance. We therefore viewed, with great
displeasure, your policy to abandon us with the idea of
rendering your enemies more moderate, whom their good
fortune is blinding, and who only recognize force as an
argument ; which argument, unfortunately, they now have.
Now that we may attribute to artifice all insinuations that
we were to be disunited, let us try, I humbly beg of you,
to regain, by ways the opposite of what has been pursued,
that which has been lost : and let us try to draw by better
concerted measures than the past the advantages that can
be expected from the harmony of our two Crowns. We
will put you now to no expenditure, but we ask you, as a
most necessary thing, to show the Spaniards that we are
acting together, to send us, as soon as possible, the Duke
of Venddme to command our army in Catalonia."

The condition of Spain was now worse even than that of
France. The French territory was still intact, but Spain
was ravaged by opposing armies. There was no longer
any commerce — agriculture was suspended — the people
were impoverished — and the battle-field was carrying off
the population, by thousands. There was still also a great
party operating against Philip. All Catalonia was earnest
for the Archduke, although most of the nobility and peo-
ple were strongly attached to Philip and his fortunes, and
remained steadfast to him, during all his reverses.

At this period of disaster, stung by the exactions of the
Allies, Spain arose, with desperate resolve, to sustain her
king and maintain her nationality.

Philip showed himself a monarch in fact, as well as in
name, and displayed qualities that, in spite of his natural
defects of character, manifested his fitness for the crown.

Although at this time less than twenty-seven years of
age, by his spirit and persistence, he kept up the war,
fought, with hardihood, in the field, and showed no weak-
ness, even in the darkest hour.

The Spaniards rallied about their young king, and fought

RE-OPENING OF HOSTILITIES. 19S

with an energy and determination that very soon revived
the drooping fortunes of France, and caused the Allies to
think again of Peace.

It was well for France that Philip and the Spaniards had
the courage to continue the war. By so doing the forces
of the Allies were divided ; large armies being required in
the Spanish peninsula, which otherwise would have been
free to operate on the Rhine and the French frontier, and
which, joined with the other forces of the Allies, might
have overcome all opposition and marched triumphantly
into the heart of France.

WAR IN 1710-1711.

The time for the re-opening of hostilities had arrived with
a deplorable condition of France. But Villars and Berwick
again boldly took the field, and marched their troops into
Flanders, for battle.

Early in 17 10, the Allies under Marlborough displayed
their usual skilful tactics, and, out-manoeuvring Villars,
besieged and took several important towns, among them
the important fortresses of Douay and Bethune, which cov-
ered the north-western frontier of France : and so exultant
were they that they contemplated immediately marching
on Paris.

Aire and St. Venant, on the Lys, were also taken, after
desperate fighting.

In Spain, Philip's fortunes were not in the ascendant.
General Stanhope defeated a Spanish force at Almenara ;
and the king retreated towards Saragossa, followed by the
Allies, under General Stahremberg, who, towards the close
of August, totally defeated, near Saragossa, the army of the
King of Spain ; and Philip V. abandoned, for the second
time, his capital, and retreated to Valladolid. The Arch-
duke Charles, again (8th Sept., 1710), amid an ominous
silence, entered Madrid, and occupied the greater part of
Aragon : but he was sullenly received by the Spaniards,
and they refused even to sell him subsistence.

196 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

After Philip was thus driven from his capital, his cause
seemed hopeless.

The Duke de Noailles had been specially deputed by-
Louis, to persuade him and his queen to abandon the
crown of Spain, and to be willing to accept some princi-
pality, such as Naples or Sicily.

But although they testified their gratitude and respect
for Louis, and their desire to please him, they resolutely and
firmly refused to abandon the Spanish people, whose zeal
and love for them had been so singularly manifested ; and
whose fidelity had survived all the blows of fortune.
Philip requested De Noailles to return to France, and to
represent to Louis the true condition of Spain, still in
arms and indomitable ; and to inform the French king that,
although driven from his capital, he had still some resources
of money and active troops, and, above all, the love of his
subjects and their determination to never surrender Spain
to- any foreign power. " I shall always," wrote this spirited
young king, now awakened by his misfortunes from all
apathy of character, in response to the desire expressed by
De Noailles that he should abandon his kingdom — ■" I shall
always, whatever reasons he has given me, and whatever
misfortunes he has held up to me, prefer the part to sub-
mit, that God shall decide my fate, with arms in my hands,
than to decide myself to an arrangement where my honor
and glory are interested, and to abandon people on whom
hitherto my misfortunes have produced no other effect
than to increase their zeal and affection for me."

In accordance with the earnest request of the Queen, the
Duke of Vendome had been sent by Louis to Spain, to en-
deavor to restore the falling fortunes of Philip. Whatever
criticisms may have been made upon Venddme, as a man
and a general, he appears to have had the merit of success ;
and when commanding alone was never beaten. The results
of his operations as generalissimo in Spain verified the
sagacity of the Queen, in praying for his appointment.

Vendome arrived at Valladolid, about one hundred and
thirty miles north of Madrid, five days before the departure
of De Noailles to make his representation of the condition

SEVESSES OF THE ALLIES IN SPAIN. 197

of Philip's fortunes to the French King — this was in Sep-
tember, 1 710. Vendome advised, at first, temporizing with'
the enemy, so that the Spaniards might well determine
their plans, and have time to concentrate their forces.

In the mean time, the Archduke, not being able to main-
tain his forces in Madrid, and not being assisted in time by
the Portuguese, retired from that capital, closely followed
by Philip and Vend6me, who had prevented a junction of
the allied forces, under Stahremberg, with the Portuguese.

The Archduke's forces were divided during his retreat,
and a part of them — the English under General Stanhope —
were thereupon besieged and attacked by the Spaniards at
Brighuega; and five thousand of them surrendered prison-
ers of war (November, 1710). Stahremberg thereupon hav-
ing gone with too little alacrity to the assistance of the
English was also defeated by Vendome and Philip, at Vil-
laviciosa, and suffered much loss in his retreat. Stanhope's
surrender of his post before Stahremberg's arrival was much
criticised — the disaster was laid to his charge, and he was
deprived of his military command. The French and Span-
iards thereupon recovered nearly all Spain, and scarcely any
territory except some marine fortresses, including Barce-
lona, still remained to the Archduke. Philip became again
established at Madrid, which he re-entered amid enthusi-
astic acclamations, showing clearly which way the feelings
of the Spaniards were inclined.

EFFECT OF THE WAR.

In France, great efforts had been made to recruit her
shattered armies. She made extraordinary levies, estab-
lished a rigid conscription, in all the provinces, and raised
large sums by extraordinary taxation. Spain, too, as it has
been seen, showed a vigor unprecedented under its last
three kings, and a spirit that had not animated it for half a
century.

At the time of the temporary cessation of hostilities,
towards the close of the year, France was somewhat invig-
orated and encouraged.

198 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Much of the gold of Mexico and Peru came floating into
the Treasury from the Indies ; and the losses of the French
fortified places and even the loss of battles seemed to have
no decisive effect on the general condition of her power for
war.

In the year 171 1, there were no great operations in the
field. Marlborough defied Villars and kept him in check.
Villars was impeded, also, from active operations, by orders
from Versailles pending negotiations.

At length, Marlborough, tired of inactivity, broke through
the lines of Villars by a masterly strategy, and besieged
and took Bouchain after a desperate contest. The war in
Spain and Piedmont was not attended with any decisive
results.

On another continent, however, the French had an im-
portant success. The French fleet bombarded and took
Rio de Janeiro and its forts, and levied heavy contributions
on the captured city, seizing also a large amount of spoil,
making altogether an enormous booty, estimated at 20,000,-
000 of francs, which was an acceptable relief to the ex-
hausted finances of France.

CHAPTER XXI.

Change of Administration in England.— Long Continuance of the Whigs
in Power. — Influence of the Marlboroughs. — Growing dislilce of the
Queen to them. — Mrs. Hill Supplants the Duchess. — Dr. Sachev-
erell's Sermons and Tory Utterances. — His Trial. — Sympathy of the
Mob. — The Queen favors the Tory or Peace Party. — Opinions
throughout the Country, as to Peace. — Triumph of Sacheverell. —
Removal of Whig Ministers. — Dissolution of Parliament. — Results
of the new Elections. — The Tories in Power.

CHANGE OF ADMINISTRATION IN ENGLAND.

In the mean time, a great political change had been tak-
ing place in England, vs^hich was to have a paramount in-
fluence upon the question of peace for Europe. The
Whigs or low churchmen had been long in power: they
held the Chief offices of the State, and controlled the votes
of Parliament.

Marlborough, the Lord Treasurer Godolphin, who manip-
ulated the finances, for the former's needs in the war, and
Sunderland, Secretary of State, Marlborough's son-in-law,
were closely allied to the interests of the Whigs, of whom
the Lords Somers and Halifax and Chancellor Cowper were
the leaders. AU their actions, tended to the consolidation
of power in Marlborough, who thus managed the State,
while his wife governed the Queen, who gave her entire ad-
herence and support to the Marlborough or Whig interest.
A great change, however, had been for a long time impend-
ing. The Duchess of Marlborough, who had long held not
only the fullest confidence, but the affections of the Queen,*

* Such was the equality produced by their intimacy, records Horace
Walpole, that almost the sole remaining idea of superiority remained
with her who had the advantage of personal charms — and, in this, there
was no comparison. The Duchess it is said became so presumptuous
that she would give the Queen her gloves to hold ; and on taking them
again, would affect suddenly to turn her head away, as if her royal mis-
tress had perspired some disagreeable effluvia.

X99

200 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

and whose influence with her was consequently unbounded,
began to be supplanted by one Abagail Hill, subsequently
Mrs. Masham, a dependent relative of the Duchess, whom
she had placed about the Queen, in an humble capacity.
A glass of water, thrown by the Duchess on the gown of
Mrs. Hill, is reputed to have so raised the ire of the latter,
as to have turned her into a formidable opponent of the
Marlborough influence — and thus, a trivial cause, indirectly,
under the mysterious chain of circumstances, may have
changed the fortunes of Europe. The Queen became, dur-
ing the year 1707, from day to day, more and more es-
tranged from the Duchess, whose haughty manners, high
temper and overbearing demeanor contrasted unpleasantly
with the placid obsequiousness of the new Abagail ; who,
finally, so fed the royal mind with flattery and innuendoes,
under the artful instigations of Harley, who had been
Speaker and Secretary of State, and who variously figured
as Whig or Tory, as suited his interests, that the Queen be-
came, towards the close of the year 1709, quite estranged
from her former social and political affiliations. Mrs. Hill's
proclivities in fkvor of the Stuarts, and her aversion to the
House of Hanover, materially aided her advancement with
her Royal Mistress.

The former favorite, the proud Duchess, on whose
society the Queen had been dependent for her daily happi-
ness, in no long time, became an object of disgust and aver-
sion : and the subsequent rapid changes in the ministry are
supposed to have been much due to the -Queen's desire to
have removed from her vision the mortified Duchess, who
daily annoyed her majesty, variously, with lamentations,
abuse, apologies and explanations — hoping thereby to re-
gain the royal favor. The intrigues of Mrs. Hill and Har-
ley began early in the year 1707, and were continued down
to the ultimate triumph of the Tory party ; Mrs. Hill, then
Mrs. Masham, as her reward, receiving the title of
" Lady " through the promotion of her husband to a peer-
age.

Another humble instrument contributed to cause the
change of views of the Queen, and indirectly to the great

DR. SACHEVERELL. 201

political change which was to operate on the fortunes of
Europe. One Dr. Sachevcrell, a blatant, erratic preacher,
had, in several sermons, indirectly attacked Whig principles
and the Whig administration. The Doctor had boldly in-
culcated the doctrine of passive obedience to kingship, and
reprobated the principles of the recent Revolution. He
had, thereby expressed, indirectly, his preference for the
Stuart succession, with which the Queen had a strong sym-
pathy ; looking, as she did, with no pleasure to the Hano-
verian Succession, by which her unfortunate brother — now
a beggar and a wanderer — would be excluded from all
hopes of the crown. The Doctor, also, attacked, not very
indirectly, Marlborough and his friends, particularly the
Lord Treasurer, Godolphin ; and used words, in the course
of his animadversions upon the acts of the last reign, that
were charged as treasonable, by the Whigs. He was ac-
cordingly prosecuted for treason, by the Whig Parliament,
which, thus, unwisely, gave him undue importance ; and he
immediately became a favorite with the mob, and was
thereupon made an instrument, by the Tories, to work up
a popular and party clamor.

The Common people, delighted with a fresh excitement,
were led by the Doctor's preaching to believe that the sup-
posed Palladium of England, the State Church, was in dan-
ger, from the undue tolerance to Dissenters accorded by the
Whigs : they, accordingly, began a wild outcry against the
administration. On this manifestation of public sentiment
the Queen placed no little reliance, and gave it her sympa-
thetic support. A great reaction, evidently, had set in, in
favor of the High Church or Tory party — the party which
was opposed to continuing the War, mainly for the reason
that, by the War, the Marlboroughs and the Whigs were
kept in power.*

Englishmen at large, however, began to reason about the
war — its causes, its advantages and its probable conse-
quences — and to enquire what it had, so far, brought them,
except laurels, which yielded no substantial fruit. Com-
merce, it was said, was pining — the merchant service was de-

* As to the various parties and their tenets at this time, vid. Ch. XXVII.

202 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

stroyed or kept inactive — and all trade at a stand. The
lower orders began to have surfeit of paeans and triumphal
processions — the laudation of Marlborough and Eugene
btegan to be tiresome — and even bonfires and illuminations
ceased to charm. Wise thinkers, as well as pot-house pol-
iticians, over their cups, wondered where the war was to
stop ; and whether England had better continue to beggar
herself and get daily deeper in debt, in order to aggrandize
the House of Austria, or to secure the Dutch in new pos-
sessions.

Marlborough, they said, was filling his pockets ; and the
war would be kept up so long as he could secure his annual
plunder. He was charged with having too much power,
and suspected of being interested in prolonging hostilities
for selfish and personal aims ; and, it was claimed, that he
was acting merely in the interest of Holland ; and that the
victories in the Netherlands were of no real concern to
England — although they well might be for that of other
countries, who had the advantage of the large subsidies
which were depleting the national Treasury. Loud com-
plaints were made, too, by the Commons, that the leading
allies of England had not furnished their proper contin-
gents either of land or naval forces, particularly at the seat
of War in Spain and Portugal ; nor furnished their due
amount of subsidies for the maintenance of hostilities.

The poverty existing throughout the country, owing to
the drain on its resources for upwards of eight years, was
now, in fact, felt throughout all classes — money had
become exceedingly scarce — bankruptcies became numer-
ous — mortgages and debts remained unpaid — the nation,
itself, was almost in a bankrupt condition ; and the Eng-
lish were almost as much worn out by the War as the
French. There was a loud cry for peace from all ranks,
except those of the extreme Whigs. Even Marlborough,
with all his laurels, became unpopular ; and Prince Eugene,
when he subsequently visited England, in order to influence
the continuance of hostilities, was hooted in the streets.

In the mean while the trial of Sacheverell was going on.
Oldmixon, in his history of England, thus gives a graphic

POPULARITY OF SA CHE VERELL. 2 03

account of the excitement at London, during the trial.
" The trial had now lasted four days ; and the Dr. had
gone, every day, to Westminster, in a tawdry glass chariot.
In the mean time, the cry of the Church's danger made a
dismal sound in the eyes of the religious mob of London
and Westminster, who, out of an extraordinary concern for
the afflicted asserter of her rights, left their several crafts
and callings, and crowded the streets to hail blessings on
the Dr., and to be blessed by him. He had lodgings in
the Temple, that he might be near his lawyers ; and from
thence to Westminster Hall he and his companions shouted,
as if he had been drawn along in a triumphal car. The
Queen, going to the House of Peers, in her chair, some of
this multitude gathered about it crying out ' God bless
your Majesty— God bless the Church !— we hope your
Majesty is for Dr. Sacheverell ! ' The mob compelled all
persons they met to pull off their hats to the Dr. as they
huzzaed him to his trial; they abused those who refused
to worship their idol, among whom happened to be some
members of both Houses of Parliament."

Sacheverell, whose trial was the work of the Whigs, he
being indicted as a treasonable ranter, received so slight a
sentence that it was a virtual victory for him ; and, through
him, of the Tories over the Whigs, He was made a sort of
target for party enthusiasm ; and making a triumphal tour
about the country, his reception gave indication of the
changing sentiment of the higher as well as of the lower
community. Illuminations and bonfires attested the joy
of the roaring mob ; and banquets, cavalcades, and the
homage of nobility and gentry, while they exalted the
pride and pleased the vanity of the Doctor, indicated, also,
the current public sentiment. Cunningham, a contem-
porary writer, thus records Sacheverell's triumphal march.
" Dr. Sacheverell, making a progress around the country,
was looked upon as another Hercules for the Church
Militant. Wherever he went his emissaries were sent
before, with his pictures ; pompous entertainments were
made for him, and a mixed multitude of country singers,
fiddlers, priests and sextons, and a mob of all conditions,

204 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

male and female, crowded together to meet and congratu-
late him; among whom drunkenness, darkness and a furious
zeal for religion extinguished all regard to modesty.* When
this guest drew near, with his guards, he found open
houses, lodging and entertainment ready provided for him,
as if he had been a demigod ; and days and nights were
spent, everywhere, in shows and the clamorous noise of
those religious furies."

Addresses from all parts of the Country now poured into
the palace, congratulating the queen, as if for her triumph,
and urging her to dissolve her recalcitrant Parliament, and
to have the wishes of the people manifested by a new rep-
resentation.* Under the subtle operations of Mrs. Ma-
sham, Harley, and St. John, who had been removed from
office as Secretary of War by the Whigs, influenced, too, by
her own feelings, the Queen, in a short time, became a
complete convert to Tory ideas ; and the ministers opposed
to that party began to drop, one by one, from their places.
The Queen had been much agitated and frightened by a
project formed by the Whig Ministry in July, 1707, and
encouraged by the Tory party in order to exasperate her,
to invite the Electoral Prince of Hanover to England with

* In treating of the Change of Ministry or Revolution in Politics, as
being much promoted by the Sacheverell trial, a Tory pamphlet of the
time thus gives the Tory view (1710) :

" At the same time the eyes of the whole nation were opened by this
impolitic trial, and the ferment it occasioned in the Capital City, instead
of abating, spread and increased throughout the Kingdom. Hereupon
the bulk of the nobility, gentry, clergy, substantial freeholders and good
citizens, declared themselves loudly in the cause of their lawful monarch,
embraced the government more warmly, and by their loyal and zealous
applications to the throne, sought shelter under her Majesty's royal pre-
rogative, against the impending invasions of our happy constitution in
Church and State ; which made an alteration in the Ministry, and a dis-
solution of the last parliament unavoidable. Thus Dr. Sacheverell's trial,
although not the true cause, was yet the occasional means of the late
change." — Somers' Collection, Vol. XIII.

Bolingbroke, in his dedication to Walpole, speaking of Sacheverell,
says, " You had a sermon to condemn, and a parson to roast ; for that I
think was the decent language of the time ; and, to carry on the
allegory, you roasted him at so fierce a fire that you burned yourselves."

TRIUMPH OF THE TORIES. 205

a view of taking up his residence there ; and this increased
her desire to get rid of the Whigs.

In May, 1710, the Duchess of Marlborough was removed
from her offices at Court : her places were filled by Mrs.
Masham and the Duchess of Somerset ; and the mortified
wife of Marlborough was obliged to vacate her apartments
in the palace. In June, 1710, the Earl of Sunderland, the
foreign Secretary, ^vas removed and Lord Dartmouth, who
was not only a Tory but a man of Jacobite proclivities, was
appointed his successor. In August, 17 10, the Lord Treas-
urer, Godolphin, an upright and honorable minister, and
the great friend of Marlborough, was also removed, and
others soon followed. Harley, (subsequently made Lord
Oxford,) Marlborough's great enemy, was placed at the
head of the Exchequer ; and St. John, Harley's then great
friend and ally, became principal Secretary of State. Lord
Cowper also resigned the seals as Chancellor, which were,
thereupon, given to Sir Simon Harcourt, an avowed
adherent of the Stuarts, and who had been Sacheverell's
leading counsel. Before the close of the year, the places
of the departing Whig Statesmen were all filled by those
who were affiliated to Tory views.

The King of France naturally viewed these changes in
the Ministry with increasing satisfaction, and saw, in them,
the safety of his Kingdom. The retirement of the men
who had steadfastly opposed him and given vigor and
effect to the war, and their replacement by those who
leaned towards peace, and who were the bitter foes of his
great antagonist, Marlborough, gave him hopes for a
speedy deliverance from all his political troubles. Desirous
not to embarrass the Ministry, whom he perceived would
soon be acting indirectly in his interests, he gave secret
orders to Villars to act, as much as possible, on the
defensive, and wisely adopted a Fabian policy, both in the
field and the Cabinet ; foreseeing, as he did, that the strong
bonds of union between the allies would soon be either
severed or so loosened that there would be room for his
diplomatic intrigues.

On September 15, 1710, Parliament was dissolved, and

2o6 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

great efforts were made to secure a new one whose views
might be in harmony with those of the new Ministry.
Marlborough and his wife were attacked by paid satirists
and Court scribblers, and outrageous charges of peculation,
extortion and avarice were advanced against them. The
Clergy became, under directions of Ministers, propagandists
of the Tory interests — pamphleteers were engaged to write
up peace — and mobs were brought together to terrify those
who were inclined to vote for Whigs. In some places, vio-
lence was used, and the multitude of active emissaries for
the Tories showed that the election was to be the result of
a strongly supported and well concocted scheme. Cunning-
ham says of these elections, " The canvassings and elec-
tions were carried on with such feuds as were never before
known. In many cases, elections were carried by open
violence. That firebrand of sedition. Dr. Sacheverell, em-
ployed his whole time and pains to this purpose. Religion
was looked upon as the only popular cause, in the support'
of which all the furies were raised to procure votes^and
ran together, as it were, to the funeral of the government,
and the public liberty."

As a result of the elections, the victory of the Tories was
so complete that very little is heard of Whig principles or
Whig statesmen during the remainder of the reign. The
new Parliament assembled on the 25th of November, 1710,
and a motion to return thanks to Marlborough, for his great
services during the year, was defeated.

These changes in England, while they cheered and en-
couraged France, alarmed the allies, and caused apprehen-
sion that England might, at any time, abandon them, if
they were indisposed to unite with her in adopting peace
measures. The rise of the Tories was, in fact, the salvation
of France, and spared her the humiliation of the proposals
of Gertruydenberg. The allies, at that time, could have
made a peace most advantageous to themselves and inju-
rious to France : their exactions, however, and the invinci-
ble spirit of Louis had kept up the war, until he subse-
quently gained, at Utrecht, nearly all he had ever contended
for.

CHAPTER XXII.

Negotiations for Peace between England and France. — Indirect ap-
proaches by England. — The Abb6 Gaultier. — His interview with
De Torcy. — Secret Negotiations. — Prior sent to France. — ^Death of
the Emperor Joseph I. — Effect of his Decease on Peace Negotia-
tions. — Negotiations continued. — Attitude of Austria. — The Emper-
or's manifesto.— The Dutch still Opposed to Peace. — Action of the
British Parliament.— Final Agreement by the Cabinets of England and
Holland, to make Arrangements for a Permanent Peace.— The 12th
of January, 1712, fixed on, for the Peace Session.— Speech of Queen
Anne. — New Peers created. — Personal Views of St. John. — Extract
from a Tory Pamphlet. — War of the Pamphleteers.

NEGOTIATIONS FOR THE FINAL PEACE, 1711.

England, controlled now by a Tory administration,
showed an evident desire for the cessation of the war. In
Jan., lyii.she made overtures for peace; at first, through
obscure diplomacy — rather intimating than expressing her
real desires — but Louis eagerly grasped the opportunity to
enter into negotiations with her, apart from the other allies.
England's desire for peace was, doubtless, somewhat stim-
ulated by the success of the French in Spain, which counter-
balanced their defeats in Flanders. The removal of the
King of Spain seemed no longer a matter of debate : con-
sequently England was now, actually, in the rather anoma-
lous condition, of manoeuvring in the interest of a Peace
with France, having for its base the maintenance of a Bour-
bon on the Spanish throne — the very fact of his succession
having caused her to enter into the war.

France was not slow to practically avail herself of the in-
dications shown by England ; and the Abb^ Gaultier, an
adroit priest, who had been chaplain to Marshal Taliard,
during his embassy, and had remained in England as Louis'
secret observer and agent there, was directed to sound the
ministry. He was also actually employed as a mouthpiece

207

2o8 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

for the English, in their efforts to ascertain the French
ideas, and to intimate, delicately, to the French Court, that
the English government was not unwilling to enter into ne-
gotiations, and that the wishes of Holland, in the matter,
might now be considered as of secondary importance. On
the arrival of Gaultier at Versailles, in January, 171 1, he
went immediately to the apartment of the Minister, to
whom he was personally known. "Do you want peace?"
said he, brusquely, " if you do, I bring you the means of
treating for it, and to finish it, independently of the Dutch,
unworthy as they are of the King's good graces, and of the
honor he has done them, in so often treating with them, for
the pacification of Europe." "Asking for peace, at that
time," says De Torcy, " of a minister of France, was like ask-
ing a sick man if he wanted to get well." When Gaultier's
position in the matter was ascertained, and his authority
somewhat verified, it was signified in moderate shape,
through him, to the English Court, that France would, if it
treated at all, now only deal with the English, and not
with the Dutch : and a brief general memoir of what the
French were willing to base the negotiations upon, was
transmitted through Gaultier to the English Ministry.
The poet Prior, in conjunction with Gaultier, was subse-
quently secretly sent to France to negotiate for more par-
ticular propositions, and to communicate the demands of
England : on Prior's return to England, Menager, the
French diplomatic agent, returned with him, but his arri-
val was kept secret. In these various negotiations, all
question of the removal of Philip, from Spain, seemed to
be abandoned.

In the mean while an event occurred which accelerated the
return of peace. The Emperor Leopold had died in 1705 ;
and now died, suddenly, of the small-pox, in April, 171 1,
Joseph I., his oldest son, who had succeeded him in the
crown of the Empire. Joseph left no male children, so that
the Archduke Charles, his brother, the Pretender to the
Spanish crown, according to the then recognized custom for
the Imperial succession, was soon after elected to the
Imperial throne ; and subsequently crowned at Frank-

PROPOSALS OF FRANCE. 209

fort. It was evident, therefore, that, if the purport of the
preUminaries of 1709 were carried out, the Spanish domin-
ions would be united to the Imperial crown, and the Euro-
pean balance disturbed by the union of Spanish and German
interests, which, it was by many considered, would be quite
as perilous to the other States of Europe, as if a Bourbon
was to remain seated on the Spanish throne. Indeed, more
so ; for, in the former case, there would be a unification of
crowns — while in the latter, they were actually distinct, and
a unification would not take place unless by the happening
of somewhat remote contingencies.

A powerful motive for peace, more particularly felt in
England, and urged by the Ministers in order to influence
Parliamentary action, was the fact that the existence and
integrity of a great state, like France, was necessary, as a
counterpoise to the growing power of Austria. The figures
of the expenses in conducting the war, too, were com-
mented on; the supplies voted, for the year 171 1, being
£6,(X)0,oco. Subsequently, {August, 171 1,) negotiations
were carried on at London ; and preliminary articles of Peace
were offered by France, in Oct., 171 1, through M. Menager,
as a special representative for the purpose, and were signed
by the two Secretaries of State, on the part of England.
These n,egotiations were conducted secretly ; but, on the
signature of the preliminaries, they were transmitted to
Count Gallas, the Imperial Minister, in a shape somewhat
modified in favor of Holland, but were received both in
Germany, and Holland, with universal indignation : in Eng-
land, too, they were ridiculed ; and lampoons and satires
against the Queen and Ministers flew about that country.

The substance of these preliminaries was, that the
Crowns of France and Spain should be forever disunited,
that advantageous commercial regulations should be made
with Great Britain and Holland, for traffic in Spain, the
Indies, and the Mediterranean ports ; and that the Dutch
should have a sufficient barrier, by the possession of certain
fortified towns in the Netherlands. The destruction of
Dunkirk was also provided for, and the restitution of the
Elector of Bavaria to his Dominions and estates. Nothing
14

210 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

was said, in these preliminaries, as to any retirement of the
King's grandson, but he was to renounce Naples, Sardinia
and the Duchy of Milan. There was also to be full recog-
nition of the rights of Queen Anne to the British Crown,
and of the subsequent succession, as established by Parlia-
ment. These secret negotiations with England, in which a
strong disposition for peace was shown, on either side, irre-
spective very much of the wishes of Holland in the matter,
led to preparations for the open final treaty.

The Queen gave a secret private audience to M. Menager,
before his departure from London, at which she thus
expressed herself : "I do not like war. I will do every-
thing I can to terminate this one, as soon as possible.
I would like to live on good terms with a King, with whom
I am allied by blood. And, I hope, that our accord will
promote peace and good feeling between our subjects."

The Earl of Strafford, the English Minister at the Hague,
was directed to communicate to the Pensionary the state of
the negotiations that had been commenced at London, and
to explain why the proceedings had been kept secret. The
English Government, also, gave the Pensionary to under-
stand that, if Holland desired to further carry on the War,
she, England, desired repose, and could no longer be
drained by subsidies. The government, however, expressed
the desire, in treating for peace, to do so, with the assent
and in the interest of all the allies ; but indicated that, if
Holland held back, England would negotiate with France,
separately.

Although it was apparent that the English administratiori
was in favor of peace, the Dutch, who were still for carrying
on the war, or for making peace only on the rigid terms of
the Gertruydenberg demands, hoped that the bulk of the
people in England and the old public sentiment there
would still influence the government to continue hostilities :
the Queen, however, had definitely made up her mind for
peace, and took every means to further its conclusion.

In the mean while, Austria was standing aloof — sullenly
regarding all these efforts at negotiation, and protesting
against peace, on any terms, except on the condition of the

PROTEST OF THE EMPEROR. ^ 2li

removal of the Bourbon from Spain. She took special
umbrage at the action of England, in treating separately,
and referred to the obligations of the compact of the High
Alliance, which expressly forbade separate treaties, and the
Emperor solemnly appealed to the Electors, Princes and
States of' the Empire to support his views. In November,
171 1, the Emperor sent a communication to the States
General, protesting against, what he terms " the artifices of
the enemy, by which they design the loss of the Spanish
Crown to Austria " — -" which," he says, " can never be
sufficiently deplored ; for which only, and for preserving it
in our Imperial family, and, at the same time, for maintain-
ing the peace of Europe, this War was undertaken — ten
years have been spent in fighting, and much blood spilt, so
that nothing more grievous or more fatal could happen in
the world ! " The Emperor further protested against the
preliminaries put forth by France, as absurd in the extreme,
and as a shrewd attempt to divide the allies, when the King
of France "cannot," he states, " stand, in view of the armies
of the allies — when he is not secure anywhere — neither in
the field nor in his fortified towns ; when, having lost part
of his forces and of his places, he is afraid that, very sud-
denly, the war will be carried into the very heart of his
Kingdom ! Can one help being justly irritated against
those, who, having been so often deceived by the trickery of
the French, will venture to try once more the good faith
which they always promise, but never keep — who give
assistance to their enemies, abandon their allies, renounce
their alliances, and, in a word, make use of their own victo-
ries to prepare a yoke for their own posterity ? " The
Emperor further urges the States General to unite with him,
in endeavoring to dissuade England from entertaining the
proposed preliminaries, to prosecute the war, and not to put
their trust in the fidelity of French promises. The Em-
peror thus concludes his manifesto :

"As for us, whatever consequences this affair may have,
we utterly reject these preliminaries, as well for the present
as hereafter ; and we will not, by any means, permit our
Ambassadors to assist in the conferences, which are pro-

212 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

posed for treating upon them : but, rather, we will exert all
our efforts, as we are actually doing, that our armies, partic-
ularly those in Catalonia, may be reestablished and reen-
forced; and that all the world may be convinced that it is,
in nowise, any fault of ours, that the war is not carried on
to a happy issue ; and that a peace, firm, lasting and advan-
tageous to all the allies, is not restored to the universe."

The Dutch continued still indisposed to peace, unless it
were of such a nature as to entirely humble the common
enemy and insure a complete determination of all pending
questions — and, particularly, to remove the Bourbon dy-
nasty from Spain. In November, 171 1, it was urged in the
Council of State of the United Provinces that, " To all
the conquests of the allies no more was wanting than a
hand's breadth of ground ; that magazines of food and prov-
ender should be laid up,, during the winter, on the French
frontier, and that, early in the Spring, the allies should give
battle to the French, and then, penetrating to the sources of
the Schelde, the Somme, the Oise, and so on to the Seine,
they should march into the very Capital of France, and there,
in the heart of the Kingdom, dictate their own terms of
peace." It was urged also that, " since the year 1702, very
much blood has been shed, many Provinces, towns and com-
munities laid waste, and an infinite number of people, in
divers parts, brought to poverty and misery." The extraor-
dinary burthens of taxation, also, were enumerated, and
the disturbance of all the commercial and financial business,
upon which the Dutch were dependent for their national re-
sources and power. In Parliament, which assembled in Dec,
171 1, the Queen openly declared her desire for peace, and
stated what had been done to further that end. The
Whigs in the House, however, were still violent in opposi-
tion, but, after a long and acrimonious discussion, the
peace party carried their measures, by a large majority. In
the Lords the peace party was unsuccessful by one vote.

ARRANGEMENTS FOR A PEACE CONGRESS. 213

EFFORTS IN ENGLAND FOR PEACE.

In spite of the arguments of the Emperor, it began to be
evident to the people of Europe, that there existed no fur-
ther real cause for the continuance of a war that had been
desolating Europe for the last ten years. Ten years of
bloodshed had practically become useless. The force of
circumstances, if not that of war, seemed destined to accom-
plish the cherished policy of Louis, and carry out, at the
end, the will of Charles II. The policy of a European
balance, it was thought, would be carried out by provision
for the severance of the crowns, and whether the new stock
of Spain was to be Bourbon or not was of no deep concern.
There was a growing feeling for peace, particularly, as the
main object of the war appeared now merely to be the fur-
ther humiliation of Louis, and the aggrandizement of the
House of Austria.

Towards the end of November, 171 1, the Cabinets of Eng-
land and the States General, in appearance, at least, finally
concurred in taking permanent steps for the final liegotia-
tions for peace, and the settlement of all questions arising
during the War. The 12th of January (N. S.) of the ensu-
ing year was fixed upon for the opening of the Congress ;
and Utrecht was designated as the place of meeting. Circu-
lar letters were addressed from the English State OfiSce,
signed by St. John, to all the allies that had been engaged in
the war, notifying them of the meeting, and requesting them
punctually to send their plenipotentiaries to the Congress.

In order to place the events of the time more pictur-
esquely in view, it may be not uninteresting to record here
the speech of Queen Anne, in December, 171 1, to her Par-
liament, on the proposed peace. The address as a State
paper supposed to emanate from a sovereign mind, in dig-
nity, spirit, and directness of purpose, compares favorably
with similar bald and indefinite State communications of the
present day.

"My Lords and Gentlemen: I have called you to-
gether as soon as the public affairs would permit ; and I am
glad that I can now tell you, that, notwithstanding the arts

2 14 THE HISTORY OF A GREA T TREA TY.

of those who delight in war, both place and time are ap-
pointed for opening the treaty of a general peace. Our
allies, (especially the States General,) whose interests I look
upon as inseparable from my own, have, by their ready con-
currence, Expressed their entire confidence in me ; and, I
have no reason to doubt but that my own subjects are as-
sured of my particular care of them. My chief concern
is, that the Protestant religion and the laws and liberties of
these nations may be continued to you, by securing the suc-
cession to the Crown, as it is limited by Parliament, to the
House of Hanover. I shall endeavor, that, after a war,
which has cost so much blood and Treasure, you may find
your interest in trade and commerce improved and enlarged
by a Peace, with all other advantages which a tender and
affectionate sovereign can procure for a dutiful and loyal
people. The Princes and States, which have been en-
gaged with us in this war, being, by Treaties, entitled to
have their several interests secured at a peace, I will not
only do my utmost power to secure every one of them all
reasonable satisfaction, but I shall also unite them in the
strictest engagements for continuing the alliance, in order
to render the general Peace secure and lasting. The best
way to have this Treaty effectual will be to make early
provision for the Campaign ; therefore, I must ask of you,
Gentlemen of the House of Commons, the necessary sup-
plies for the next year's war ; and I do most earnestly rec-
ommend you to make such despatch therein, as may con-
vince our enemies that, if we cannot obtain a good peace,
we are prepared to carry on the war, with vigor. Whatever
you give will still be in your own power to apply, and I
doubt not but, in a little time, after the opening of the
Treaty, we shall be able to judge of its event."

After speaking further of the onerous taxes incurred by
the war, and the prostration of the manufacturing interests,
and of abuses and evils to be redressed, the Queen thus con-
cludes :

" My Lords and Gentlemen : I cannot conclude, with-
out earnestly recommending to you all unanimity, and that

EFFORTS OF THE TORIES TO SECURE PEACE. 215

you will carefully avoid everything which may give occasion
to the enemy to think us a people divided amongst our-
selves, and, consequently, prevent our obtaining that good
Peace of which we have such reasonable hopes and so near
a view. I pray God direct your consultations to this end,
that, being delivered from the hardships of war, we may
become a happy and flourishing people."

In the mean while, pending the major deliberations,
Great Britain made a special compact with Holland, those
Powers mutually binding themselves " to continue the war,
if necessary, until a general peace be obtained and estab-
lished, and duly observed and carried out ; and that all in-
fractions thereof should be prevented." A similar compact
was made with the Emperor.

In order to the final success of the Tories, who were be-
ginning to totter, under the attacks and intrigues of the
Whigs, and to precipitate Peace measures, 12 new Peers
were created late in Dec, 171 1, with which reenforcement
the Tories carried the necessary measures through both
Houses ; and there was no further obstacle to the success
of their plans. Among the new obsequious peers was
Samuel Masham, husband of the famous intrigante* The
House received an abrupt answer of the Queen to their ad-
dress, to the effect " that she thought her former speech to
both Houses would have given satisfaction to everybody ;
and that she had given instructions to her plenipotentiaries
to act according to the desire of that address." The House
of Lords, then under direction of the Queen, adjourned to
the 14th January, 1712, the day fixed for the meeting of
the Commons.

In a letter, written by St. John to the Earl of Strafford,
Dec, 171 1, he thus strongly expresses his personal views
and desires, as to peace ; " As to my conduct in the nego-
tiations for a peace, I shall want no justification. I have,
it is true, acted as boldly, in the promoting that good work,
as your lordship used to do, when you thought the interest

* It is related that when the twelve new Peers first appeared in the
House of Lords, they were sarcastically asked, by a witty Whig peer, " if
they were going to vote separately, or by l\i€\x foreman."'

2 16 ■ THE HISTOR Y OF A GREA T TREA TV.

of your country at stake ; and I tell you, without any gas-
conade, that I had rather be banished for my whole life, be-
cause I have helped to make the peace, than be raised to the
highest honors, for having continued to obstruct it. How-
ever, God be praised — we run no risk of this kind — the eyes
of mankind are opened, and they begin to see the falsehood
of that system of policy on which we have acted, for so
many years." And banished, indeed, he was, — for his ac-
tion in the matter — when subsequently, the Whigs obtained
the reins of government ; and he was forced into exile, in
order to save his head.

While the above negotiations were going on in England,
Louis sent numerous despatches to Spain, urging the King
to do what he could, to dispose his subjects towards views
of peacCj under the new preliminaries, which would retain
him on the Spanish throne. Louis urged him, also, to send
Plenipotentiaries to the proposed Congress, although Eng-
land and Holland had expressed a disinclination to recognize
any representatives from Spain, at the Sessions. He also
requested Philip to send him a full power, authorizing him
to treat with England, in behalf of the Spanish crown. In
Dec, 171 1, Philip, accordingly, sent a full and formal writ-
ten power, authorizing Louis to enter into treaties in be-
half of Spain ; reciting that the power was given, because it
had been stated that Plenipotentiaries from Spain would not
be recognized. In this power it is specially provided that
there should be no dismemberment of the Spanish country
nor of the Indies. ^

In the mean while the Ministry in England were active in
infusing into the public mind a desire for peace, and the
pamphleteers were busy in circulating their views. One
of the most effective papers, written by Swift, just before
the session of the Congress, produced a great effect upon
the public mind, and created a lively sensation in political
circles, in that it boldly advocated a separate peace with
France, if none other could be made. A few brief extracts
from Swift's pamphlet on " The conduct of the allies " will
place the Tory side of the argument in a strong light.

" As to the war, our grievances are, that a greater load

EXTRACT FROM SWIFT'S PAMPHLET. 217

has been put upon us than was either just or necessary, or
that we have been able to bear ; that the grossest imposi-
tions have been submitted to, for the advancement of pri-
vate wealth and power, or, in order to further the more dan-
gerous designs of a faction, to both which a peace would
have put an end ; and that the part of the war, which was
chiefly our province, which would have been most bene-
ficial to us and destructive to the enemy, was neglected.
Those who are fond of continuing the war, cry up our con-
stant success, at a most prodigious rate ; and reckon it in-
finitely greater than, in all human probability, we had any
reason to hope. Ten glorious campaigns are passed ; and
now, at last, like the sick man, we are just expiring with all
sorts of good symptoms. If, after such miraculous doings,
we are not yet in a condition of bringing France to our
terms, nor can tell when we shall be so, although we should
proceed without any reverse of fortune, what could we
look for, in the ordinary course of things, but a Flanders'
war of twenty years longer? Do the advisers of this war,
indeed, think a town taken for the Dutch is a sufficient rec-
ompense to us for 6,000,000 of money ; which is of so little
consequence to determine the war, that the French may
yet hold out a dozen years more, and afford a new town
every campaign, at the same price?

" I say not this to detract from the army or its leaders.
Getting into the enemies' lines, passing rivers and taking
towns may be actions attended with many glorious circum-
stances ; but, when all this brings no solid advantage to
us, when it has no other end than to enlarge the territories
of the Dutch, and to increase the fame and wealth of our
General, I conclude, however it comes about, that things
are not as they should be, and that surely our forces and
money might be better employed, both toward reducing our
enemy and working out some benefit to ourselves. But the
case is still much harder; we are destroying many thou-
sand lives, exhausting our substance — not for our own inter-
ests, which would be but common prudence^not for a thing
indifferent, which would be sufficient folly — but, perhaps,
to our own destruction, which is perfect madness. We may

2l8 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

live to feel the effects of our own valor more sensibly than
from all the consequences we imagine from the dominion of
Spain in the Duke of Anjou. We have conquered a noble
territory for the States, that will maintain suiificient troops
to defend itself and feed many hundred thousand inhabit-
ants, where all encouragement will be given to introduce
and encourage manufactures, which was the only advan-
tage they wanted ; and which, added to their skill, industry
and parsimony, will enable them to undersell us in every
market in the world.

" What arts have been used, to persuade the people that
Britain must inevitably be ruined, without the recovery of
Spain to the House of Austria — making the safety of a
great and powerful kingdom, as ours was, then, to depend
upon an event which, after a war of miraculous successes,
has been found impracticable ! As if great Princes- and
Ministers could find no way of settling the public tranquil-
lity, without changing the possessions of Kingdoms and
forcing sovereigns upon a people without their inclination.

" Is there no security for the island of Britain, unless a
King of Spain be dethroned by the hands of his grand-
father.'' Has the enemy no towns or sea-ports to give us
for securing trade ? The present King of France has but a
few years to live, by the course of nature ; and, doubtless,
would desire to end his days in peace. Grandfathers, in
private families, have no great influence on their grandsons,
and, I believe, they have much less among Princes ; — how-
ever, when the authority of a parent is gone, is it likely
that Philip will be directed by a brother, against his own
interest and that of his subjects? — Have not those two
realms their separate maxims of policy, which must oper-
ate in the times of peace? Those, at least, are proba-
bilities ; and cheaper at least, by six millions a year, than
recovering Spain or continuing the War — both which seem
absolutely impossible. But the common question is, if we
must now surrender Spain, what have we been fighting for,
all this while ? The answer is ready ; we have been fight-
ing for the ruin of the public interest and the advancement
of a private. We have been fighting to raise the wealth

TBE "PAPER" WAR. 2 19

and grandeur of z. particular family — to enrich usurers and
stock jobbers — and to cultivate the pernicious designs of a
faction, by destroying the landed interest.

" The nation is now beginning to think these things are
not worth fighting for, any longer, and therefore desires a
peace."

The insinuations against Marlborough, in the above ex-
tract, are not at all obscure. Never was paper war so
rancorous as at this period and up to the final treaties
of peace ; and never had one been so ably conducted.
Pamphlets and caricatures, in those days, filled the place
of modern journalism.* The Essayists and pamphleteers,
being supported and supposed to be' instructed by party
leaders, officials and Ministers, had a stronger influence and
a much greater importance, than if they merely gave ex-
pression to their individual views. Their productions were
eagerly read, and had great effect in forming and directing
public opinion. Addison wrote several tracts and con-
tributed to Steele's Taller, the Guardian, and the Whig
Examiner. Both of those effective writers advocated the
views of the Whigs, as also did Bishop Burnet, Congreve
and Rowe. Earl Cowper, the Whig Lord Chancellor, and
the chief of that party, also condescended to enter the
arena of the Pamphleteers, and wrote a paper in the Tatler,
in response to St. John's violent partisan letter in the
Examiner. \ Swift, who had joined the Tories, in 1710,
being disappointed in his hopes of preferment from the
WhigSj did effective work for his new employers, in the
Examiner, denouncing the Marlboroughs and the Whigs,
in vituperative terms. His paper on "The Conduct of
the Allies" went through four editions in a week. St.
John, Arbuthnot, Prior, and Atterbury were also bitter
and active with their 'pens, in aid of the Tory views and
peace. The first twelve papers of the Examiner were writ-
ten by one or other of these earnest advocates for making
the great political - change. De Foe, also, was active as a

* The petty newspapers of the time being mere budgets of occur-
rences and rumors.
tSee Appendix.

220 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

pamphleteer, in opposition to the war, although he subse-
quently condemned the terms of peace. So violent in
their attacks were the political writers of the day, that the
Pillory was often put in acquisition to cool their party
zeal ; and sometimes their productions were burned by the
hangman. Against Swift's pamphlet on the " Conduct of
the Allies " many answering tracts appeared. The most
effective was one supposed to have been written by Dr.
Francis Hare, the Chaplain of the Duke of Marlborough.
The number of answers and the constant reference to " The
Conduct of the Allies," in the writings of the day, exhibit
the irritation Swift's pamphlet caused to the Whig leaders,
and also the injury it was doubtless causing to their party,
in leading public opinion against the war, and the princi-
ples of the Whigs. Dr. Hare's pamphlet thus concludes,
in an invective against Swift's tract : " Having sufficiently
discovered the wicked design of this vile book, and pointed
at general solutions of almost all the fallacies 'tis filled
with, and given such ample proof of the writer's integrity
and honesty, I shall conclude with desiring all honest and
impartial men not to believe, upon the infamous author's
bare word, that we are under any real necessity of conclud-
ing against the consent of our allies, and in breach of so
many treaties, a most just, necessary, and successful war,
by a scandalous and insecure peace ! "

CHAPTER XXIII.

Opposition of Marlborough, Prince Eugene and Heinsius to Peace. —
Charges in England, against Marlborough. — He is Dismissed from
all his Employments. — The Duke of Ormond replaces him as Com-
mander-in-Chief. — Plans of Marlborough and Eugene to prevent
Peace. — Action of the Envoys of Germany, Holland and Hanover,
in England. — Departure of Prince Eugene, from England.

OPPOSITION OF MARLBOROUGH AND EUGENE TO THE

PEACE.

Marlborough, Eugene and Heinsius were still bitterly
opposed to peace. They availed themselves of every re-
source to prevent further negotiations, and, by even under-
hand efforts, at London, sought to change the ministry and
to dispose the Queen J;o side with their views. In these
efforts they were aided by the agents of Austria and of
Savoy. In the mean while, although attacked at home on
all sides, by Parliament, Ministers and Pamphl&teers, Marl-
borough was steadily doing his duty, and manifesting, in his
campaign of 1 711, the same vigor and generalship which
had theretofore marked him as the greatest commander of
the time: his operations, however, during 1711, were de-
rided, in Parliament, and stigmatized as petty and futile ;
and new charges of peculation were framed against him.
The Pamphleteers also kept up their attacks on the char-
acter and services of the Duke, and the Parliamentary pro-
ceedings were continued, with a spirit of resentment and
bitterness against him, that showed that nothing would
satisfy the Tories but his complete disgrace and overthrow.
In May, 1711, the triumph of Harley had been made more
evident : he having been raised to the peerage, by the title
of Earl of Oxford and Mortimer, and appointed Lord High
Treasurer.

On the return of Marlborough to London in November,

221

222 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

171 1, all manner of stories were circulated to his discredit.
He was charged, among other matters, with retaining the
sum of ^420,000, destined for war purposes ; and with hav-
ing received annual presents from those charged with dis-
tributing the subsidies ; against all which he manfully and
effectually defended himself. Pending the investigation
of these charges the Queen, induced thereto by her Council,
who had long decided on his removal, dismissed the Great
General from all his public employments — this occurred on
the 31st December, 171 1. In his letter to the Queen, the
Duke states, " Madame, I am very sensible of the honor
your Majesty does me in dismissing me from your service,
by a letter of your own hand ; though I find by it, that my
enemies have been able to prevail with your Majesty to do
it, in a manner that is most injurious to me ; and if their
malice and inveteracy against me had not been more power-
ful, with them, than the consideration of Your Majesty's
honor and justice, they would not have influenced you to
impute the occasion of my dismission to a false and mali-
cious insinuation contrived by themselves, and made pub-
lic when there was no opportunity for me to give in my an-
swer, which they must needs be conscious would fully de-
tect the falsehood and malice of their aspersions, and not
leave them that handle for bringing your Majesty to such
extremities against me."

This dismissal of Marlborough was, of course, a matter
of great exultation in France. Louis had felt insecure of
success, either in war or in making peace, while Marlbor-
ough had the control of armies or influence in the English
Councils; and he is reported to have said, exultingly, when
the news was brought to him, " The dismissal of Marlbor-
ough will do all we can desire."

While the war had been raging in Europe, the bloody
business had not been neglected in America. It had been
going on from Florida to Canada on no large scale, but
with bitterness and cruelty. It consisted, mainly, of petty
contests and surprises on the frontiers, the destruction of
unprotected villages and the massacre of th«ir inhabitants :
in which operations both parties obtained the aid of the native

THE DUKE OF OKMOND SUCCEEDS MARLBOROUGH. 223

savages, as auxiliaries. Prowling bands of these, as oppor-
tunity offered, penetrated even to the heart of New Eng-
land, and kept it in a state of agitation and alarm ; and the
scalping of women and children and the burning of peace-
ful homes theoretically contributed their quota of the glory
attenc^ant upon the military operations of the war of the
Succession, but added little to the result. Canada, New-
foundland and Nova Scotia were made points of attack, at
different times, by the English and Colonial forces. The
most important English expedition was that set on foot in
the Spring of 171 1, by St. John, with the object of subdu-
ing Canada, and in fact, all North America then in French
possession.

The expedition consisted of a fleet of fifteen ships of war
and forty transports, carrying among other troops seven
veteran regiments from Marlborough's army. These were
commanded by Brigadier Hill, commonly called " Jack Hill,"
a brother of the notorious Mrs. Masham, and elevated to
his post, although quite incompetent for it, in order to spite
the Marlboroughs. In connection with the expedition New
England colonists prepared to attack Montreal, aided by
600 warriors of the Six Nations ; while to defend that place
and Quebec, Hurons, Ojibwas, and Abenakis congregated
within their walls and held their council fires with the
French. Useless delays and incompetency both of Ad-
miral and General, on the English side, caused the complete
failure of the expedition and the loss of about 900 men
drowned in ascending the St. Lawrence.

After the dismissal of Marlborough, the Duke of Ormond
was sent to replace him as commander of the army. Marl-
borough, indignant at his treatment and frustrated in his
plans, through the creation of the new peers, who, in the
House of Lords, determined the majority for peace, nov/
entered into the most desperate resolutions and plans, as is
alleged by some writers, in connection with Prince Eugene,
who on his visit to England was coldly received by the
Queen and Ministers. He and Marlborough, finding all
diplomacy and secret intrigue of no avail, sought to make
a rebellion, beginning, as is actually charged by some con-

224 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

temporaneous writers, with the taking off the heads of some
of Marlborough's enemies; while Eugene advocated the
setting fire to London, in different quarters, the capture of
the Tower and the Bank, and the seizing the person of the
Queen ; and, in the mean time, the Electoral Prince of
Hanover, the heir presumptive to the Crown, might make
a landing. These statements, however, of the proposed
violent measures of Marlborough and Eugene have not re-
ceived general credence, but are supposed to have ema-
nated from the brains of Tory emissaries. The Hano-
verian envoy, Bothmar, and Count Gallas, the envoy of the
Emperor, united with Eugene and Marlborough in their
general plans to frustrate the progress of peace — and also
the Dutch Minister. Count Gallas, on account of his per-
sistent action in opposition to the government, was forbid-
den the court ; and he was notified that no further com-
munications would be received from him.

The Dutch Minister, Buys, leaving England subse-
quently, to take part in the deliberations at Utrecht, was
thus addressed by the Grand Treasurer, on departing;
" You have behaved yourself, here, not like the Minister of
a friendly power, but, like an incendiary, sent to set every-
thing on fire. All your intrigues, that you thought secret,
are known to us — even your slightest conversation with
your friends." Buys took this address with Dutch phlegm ;
and his sensibilities were not sufficiently disturbed to cause
him to refuse the looo pistoles that the Grand Treasurer
brusquely handed over to him, with no more words than,
" Here, — take these lOOO pistoles, that the Queen presents
you."

While the plenipotentiaries were settling themselves to
their work at Utrecht, Prince Eugene continued at London,
to obstruct the action of the peace p^irty, and to raise such
troubles and discontent between Queen and Ministers, and
the political factions of Whig and Tory and the Stuart mal-
contents, as might disturb or frustrate the peac6 negotia-
tions. The Prince made many efforts to open formal nego-
tiations with the Ministers, on the subject of the War, and
presented a memorial from the Emperor, offering to double

EUGENE LEAVES ENGLAND. 225

his contingents, and materially increase his contribution
towards its expenses. All his advances were politely but
coldly received ; and he found himself the subject of delays
and equivocations. The desperate views of Eugene and
his friends, not being seconded by the leading Whigs ; and
finding all his proposals treated with neglect by the Queen
and Ministers, and himself made an object of prejudice and
suspicion, he determined to leave England.

There was, of course, under all these plots and various
views of parties and partisans, great contention between
those respectively desiring peace or war ; and the country
was kept in a disturbed and excited condition. Great pre-
cautions were taken for the Queen's safety — her guards
being doubled. Eugene also was guarded by troops, under
pretence of escort ; until, humiliated and angered, he, at
last, to the relief of the Queen and the Ministers, departed
from England, on the 17th March, 17 12.

Eugene thus speaks of his disappointment, in his me-
moirs : " I have entered France on more sides than one, and
it is not my fault that I did not penetrate farther. But for
the English, I should have given law in the Capital of the
Grand Monarque, and shut up his Maintenon in a convent
for life."
IS

CHAPTER. XXIV.

The Congress at Utrecht. — The City of Utrecht. — Regulations for the
Sessions. — Forms to be Observed. — The Mode of Procedure. — The
States Represented. — The Ambassadors and other Personages. —
Opening of Conferences. — Etiquette observed. — Opening Address by
the Bishop of Bristol. — Reply of the French Ambassadors. — The
Demands of the Various States. — Effect, in England, of the French
Demands. — Opposition in Parliament. — Protest of the Pretender.

THE CONGRESS AT UTRECHT.

The City of Utrecht had been decided on as the place
where the plenipotentiaries should meet, and the time in-
dicated was the I2th of January, 1712.

Utrecht was a large and handsome town situated on an
ancient channel of the Rhine, about 18 miles South-east of
Amsterdam, and the capital of the province of the same
name, which was formerly an independent Bishopric — the
last Bishop having sold out his dominions to Charles V.,
in 1528. The City was, at this time, about three miles in
circumference, without its suburbs, which were extensive,
and adorned with gardens, groves, summer houses and
agreeable promenades. Broad avenues and streets covered
with trees adorned the town, which was celebrated for the
purity and salubrity of its air ; causing it to be a place of
frequent resort by strangers. The Session of the Congress
attracted many to the place— some for amusement, some
from interest in the proceedings.

The City, during the session of the Congress, was also
numerously attended by merchants, dealers, adventurers
and gay people of either sex. Theatrical troupes were
also present, in great force ; and balls, banquets and Te
Deums, celebrating the birthdays of the various monarchs,
represented by the foreign ministers present, many of them
with their families, made the town a very lively one for the

226-

PREPARATIONS TO RECEIVE THE AMBASSADORS. 227

period of over fifteen months, during which the Congress
was in session. As may be well believed, there was much
ado at Utrecht, when the news was made known that it had
been selected as the place for the session of the great
Peace Congress. The little City began immediately to be-
stir itself ; and the " Noble and Venerable Lords, the Bur-
gomasters, Burghers, Masters, and Magistrates," on receipt
of the news, bethought themselves that it would be wise
and decorous for them, to depute a commission of their
number, as they state in their resolution, " To congratulate
and compliment the Lords, Plenipotentiaries and the Pub-
lic Ministers upon their arrival ; and to confer and concert
with the said Lords, about making such a proper regula-
tion for their domestics, as may tend to the preserving of
good order and tranquillity ; as also for regulating, with the
said Lords Plenipotentiaries, such other affairs as shall hap-
pen." Among other things all tradesmen were warned
that they were not to arrest or detain for debt the persons,
domestics or effects of any of the foreign ambassadors.
Special provision was also made, by the magistrates, for
the movements of the couriers that were to carry the de-
spatches of the various envoys, and " the City carriers were
to keep ready, day and night, in the City suburbs of the
' White Gate,' a good running chaise and two good horses ;
and as soon as one chaise should be gone with a courier,
another should be ready in its place, with two other horses
for setting out, at the first word, either by day or night."

The Burgomasters and magistrates of Utrecht had a
troublesome task on their hands to maintain peace between
the townspeople, (who, of course, were violent partisans
of the allies), and the followers and servants of the various
Ambassadors, who favored the French. All persons were
forbidden by proclamation " to presume, in the least wise,
to rail against, slander or abuse, by any word or deed
whatsoever, the said Lords, the Public Ministers or those
of their retinue ; and all transgressing was to be punished
arbitrarily and corporeally, according to the exigency of the
case."

In December, 171 1, the Plenipotentiaries gathering from

228 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

all Europe were proceeding on their way to Utrecht ; spe-
cial passports having been issued to them, for their safe
passage and conduct, and for that of their servants and ef-
fects. By mutual understanding, the Ministers of the dif-
ferent governments were to attend only in the rank and
name of " Plenipotentiaries," so as to avoid as much as pos-
sible, all disputes about ceremonial procedure as " Ambas-
sadors," and the delay the same might occasion.

The order and mode of the proceedings at the Congress
were regulated by the Deputies, with great care. The re-
spective Plenipotentiaries were to come to the conferences
in a coach, with not over two horses and a small retinue ;
and specific provisions and agreements were made to pre-
vent rivalries and quarrels between the pages, coachmen
and domestic servants of the respective representatives,
who were prohibited from carrying sticks, swords and arms
of any kind. To avoid all question of precedence, the Min-
isters were to take seats in the order that they should enter
the hall of the Congress, without any right of priority.
The general sessions of the Congress were directed to be
held twice a week — and particular conferences of the va-
rious Ministers were held, ad interim : but the interruptions
and delays were numerous and prolonged.

The mode of procedure, as to the negotiations agreed
on, was to reduce to writing and submit the various speci-
fications or postulates, in the respective interests of the na-
tions presenting them, which each desired to be passed
upon.

Among the States represented, at the Congress, besides
Great Britain, Austria, France, and Holland, were Hanover,
Poland and Saxony ; The Circles of the Empire, Portugal,
Prussia, the Romish States, Savoy, Sweden, Switzerland,
Tuscany, Bavaria, Venice, Geneva, Lorraine, Cologne, the
Palatinate, Modena, the Swiss Protestant Cantons, and
many others of lesser degree — such as the Electorate of
Triers (or Treves), the Duchy of Guastalla, and the Bish-
opric and Principality of Hildesheim. England sent Rob-
inson, Bishop of Bristol and the Earl of Strafford. The
Emperor sent three plenipotentiaries, to watch the pro-

OPENING OF THE CONFERENCES. 2 29

ceedings ; France sent the Marquis d'Huxelles, the Abb6
Polignac and the Chevalier Menager ; all of whom had
been active agents in the preliminary negotiations — and
Holland sent nine diplomatic agents.

Many other personages, some of high rank, attended the
conference to represent their own interests or those of petty
potentates, or for special purposes connected with the Con-
ference. Among them were the Duke de Bouillon, the
Duke of St. Pierre and Aremberg, the Prince de Ligne,
the Marquis de Rochegude " on the part of the Evangel-
ical Cantons, and for the Confessors who are on board the
galleys for matters of religion " : the Baron de Woerden
was entrusted with the interests of the Princess d'Epinoy ;
M. Mais, with the affairs of the Princess of Conti and of the
principality of Orange, and the Abbot du Bos with the
interest of the Prince of Condd. The Princess of Cond6, the
Duke de la Tremouille, the Duke of Mirandola, the Prin-
cess d'Ursini, the Princess of Austria and others had also
agents to look after their respective interests. Besides the
three French there were, in all, eighty other Plenipotentia-
ries or diplomatic agents, representing Powers or interests.
According to the suggestion of one of the French Ministers,
the Marshal d'Huxelles, the chimney pieces and mirrors
were removed from the great hall of the Convention, in
order that there might be no place which might serve as a
distinction or preference of places, and the Hall was warmed
by huge braziers filled with coal.

At the opening of the Conferences on the 29th January,
17 12, the Plenipotentiaries of France and Great Britain en-
tered at the same time, by different doors, as had been
agreed on ; advancing into the room, each on his respective
side, they gravely and profoundly saluted each other ; and
then advanced, in equal steps, neither advancing the other,
and took pains to sit down at the Council Table, at the
same exact moment. After the above decorous entrance
the Ambassadors of the Dutch Provinces and of the Duke
of Savoy made their entry, and then the others. The
Ministers of the Empire were present in the town, but did
not attend the early sessions.

230 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

An account is given, in the Historic Mercury of the
time, of the theatrical appearance of the Bishop of Bristol
on the occasion of the opening. He was clad in a dark
violet velvet robe, striped and embroidered with gold lace :
around his neck was a heavy gold chain, from which hung
two feathers of gold crossing each other ; and, above them,
a golden crown, tha badge of his decoration as Secretary
of the Order of the Garter. Two pages, in ash-colored coats
laced with silver, and waistcoats of green velvet, bore the
Bishop's long train. His address was brief, and of a gen-
eral character, directed to the French envoys ; and is re-
corded to have been mainly as follows :

"We are assembled to-day in the name of God, to com-
mence the work of a general Peace between the High Al-
lies ^nd the King, your Master. We bring sincere inten-
tions, and even express orders from our Superiors, to unite,
on their part, in everything which may tend to advance
and happily terminate so salutary and Christian a work.
On the other hand, we hope, gentlemen, that you are of
the same mind and that your powers are so ample that you
will be able, without loss of time, to respond to this effort
of the Allies, by replying frankly and openly to the points
we may have to regulate in these conferences ; and that
you will do them in so clear and specific a manner, that all
and each of the allied States will be contented with the
just and reasonable satisfaction they may receive." The
French Ministers responded at length, professing the good
intentions of their King towards Peace, and stating that
their powers were ample to negotiate and conclude.

The principal questions open for discussion, at the great
Peace Congress, were the Spanish succession and the dispo-
sition of the Spanish dominions, the limits of the barrier
between France and the Netherlands, the reestablishment
of the Electors of Bavaria and Cologne, the acknowledg-
ment of the Protestant succession in England, and an in-
demnity to the Duke of Savoy for his losses and damages
in the war. There were very many minor questions, under
the various claims presented.

DEMANDS OF THE ALLIES. 231

THE DEMANDS.

The specific demands or postulates, put in by the Pleni-
potentiaries, in behalf of their respective States will be now
briefly digested. France, it will be observed, had already
obtained the advantage, in that the Allies, instead of pre-
senting an unbroken front and acting harmoniously, for the
general interest, preferred separate demands, many of them
with the purpose, doubtless, of preventing all negotiations.
The demands of France, so different from her humble
claims at Gertruydenberg, caused great astonishment
among the representatives of the allies. Their tenor
showed that she had a secret strength not apparent in the
conferences, and which her separate negotiations with Eng-
land would fully account for.

The demands of France, as briefly put forth, were the
exchange of certain fortresses, vis.: Tournay, Aire, St.
Venant, Bethune, Douay and Lisle, to compensate for the
demolition of Dunkirk, and of others to be yielded as a
barrier — that the upper Rhine frontier was to be restored —
that the House of Austria should cease all pretensions to
the throne of Spain — and that the Electors of Cologne and
Bavaria should be restored to their possessions, the latter
to have the Spanish Netherlands. On behalf of the Eni-
peror it was protested among other things, that the whole
Spanish Monarchy and dominions such as they were, pos-
sessed by Charles II., be entirely restored to the former,
" To remain forever and without any interruption to the
Princes of the House of Austria, their heirs and successors,
according to the order and disposition made in the last
Will and Testament of Philip IV." Lorraine was also to
be yielded to its Ducal family.

DEMANDS OF GREAT BRITAIN.

One of the principal demands of Great Britain was with
reference to the Hanoverian succession. The words of the
demand are, " The most Christian King shall acknowledge,
in the clearest and strongest terms, the succession of the

232 THE HISTORY QF A GREAT TREATY.

Crown of Great Britain, according as it is limited by Acts
of Parliament (made during the reign of the late King
William III., of. glorious memory, and of her Majesty now
reigning) to the Protestant line in the House of Hanover.
The most Christian King shall likewise oblige himself to
cause the ^person,' who pretends to the aforesaid Crown
of Great Britain, to depart, forthwith, the territories of
France." There were also provisions against giving aid to
any Pretender to the Throne, for demolishing Dunkirk,
for yielding to England, Newfoundland, Acadia, and other
islands and territories in North America — that France
should acknowledge the Electorate of Hanover, and, gener-
ally, should cause just satisfaction to be given to the other
allies of what they demand of France.

DEMANDS OF PORTUGAL.

The demands of the King of Portugal were, that the
interests of Portugal would not be sufficiently secured,
unless all Spain and its dominions were restored to the
House of Austria; except certain cities and territories in
Europe and America, which were to be restored or yielded
to Portugal ; and she was to be compensated for losses by
the war.

THE PRUSSIAN DEMANDS.

The first specific demand of the King of Prussia was,
that he should be acknowledged in that quality, without
restriction or condition, and also as sovereign of the Princi-
pality of Chalon-Orange ; and also over estates situate in
Franche Comt6 and Burgundy, as also Neufchatel and
Vallengin. He also made demands in behalf of certain
cities and cantons of Switzerland, claiming that " in future,
no part of the laudable Helvetick Body, particularly of the
laudable Protestant cantons and their confederates, be
attacked, nor their tranquillity disturbed, under any pretence
whatever." The King also made claim to have the same
commercial advantages with France as Great Britain or
Holland were to have. An important clause in the Prus-
sian demand, was in behalf of the French Huguenot

DEMANDS OF THE ALLIES. 233

refugees. This clause was to the effect that the relatives
of French refugees who had settled in Prussian dominions
were to be allowed to leave France to join their relations in
Prussia — and such refugees or their descendants were to
have the possession and restitution of all their property in
France, real or personal. The clause concludes as follows :
" That the said refugees or their descendants, born subjects
of his Majesty, shall enjoy as well in France, as in any part
of its dominions, all the rights, privileges, franchises, im-
munities, liberties and advantages, which his Majesty's
other subjects ought to enjoy there, without any exception
or reserve. His Majesty is desirous, besides, that it may
please his most Christian Majesty to grant, in consideration
of the friendship which is to be reestablished by the Peace,
liberty of conscience to those of the Reformed religion
who shall remain in France ; as also to enlarge and set at
liberty all those who, for the sake of the Reformed Relig-
ion, are detained in prisons, convents, galleys and other
places."

DEMANDS OF HOLLAND.

The demands of the States General were the most volu-
minous of all. They claimed, among other things, a renun-
ciation, by France, of all claim to the Spanish Netherlands
as they were possessed by Charles II., under the Treaty of,
Ryswick, and they were to be put under the control of the
Emperor, as a barrier against France. Also certain frontier
towns and estates were to be placed under the dominion of
Holland ; and were to be forever renounced by France.
Specific demands were also made for certain regulations as
to commerce and navigation. A similar demand was made
in behalf of the French Huguenot refugees and their effects
as by the King of Prussia. It was also claimed, that such
parts of the Principality of Orange and its properties as are
situate in France should be made over to the States Gen-
eral, to be restored to the persons who have a right to
them, and that the fortifications of Dunkirk should be
demolished, and the port and mole filled up, at the expense
of France ; which fortifications were never to be restored.

234 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

DEMANDS OF SAVOY.

Savoy put in demands for its Duke to the Spanish
throne, according to the will of Philip IV., claiming that all
the estates of Savoy in possession of France be restored,
and that the soverdgnty of other territories and fortified
places bordering on Savoy be made over to that country,
as a barrier against France ; and that France should make
satisfaction to the subjects of Savoy for losses in the war,

OTHER DEMANDS.

The " Associated Circles of the Empire " also make
demand for the restoration to them of all they had yielded
to France under the Treaty of Munster, and subsequent
treaties ; and also those yielded by the House of Austria,
and also the Duchies of Lorraine and Bar. This demand
of the circles embraced the three Bishoprics of Mentz, Toul
and Verdun ; they claimed also that Louis should renounce
all claims, as feudal sovereign, over Lorraine and Alsace.

Specific demands were also made by the " Most Reverend
and Most Serene Prince, the Elector of Trier," the Elector
Palatine, the Reverend Lord Bishop and Prince of Munster
and Paderborn, the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, the Prince
of Wurtemburg, the Knights of the most Illustrious Order
of Malta, for the restoration of certain cities or territories or
estates, respectively, and for the damages and expenses of
the war.

A claim was also urged by the minor children of the late
Joseph-William, Prince of Orange and Nassau, for the res-
toration of their estates, and protesting against the claims
of the King of Prussia, as to them. The Marquis de Nesle
also claimed the same, and deputies from the Spanish Neth-
erlands demanded that the Emperor be made Sovereign
over them.

The French King also, later, during the progress of the
Treaty, put in claims in behalf of the Elector of Cologne
and of his ally, the Elector of Bavaria.

A claim made in behalf of the Prince of Orange and Nas-
sau, demanded that he be secured in his Principality, and

OPPOSITION TO THE FRENCH DEMANDS. 235

all its estates and feudal rights, both of the town and Prin-
cipality of Orange, and elsewhere, particularly in France,
Franche-Comt6 and Dauphin^.

The Duke of St. Pierre also claimed to be recognized as
Sovereign of a little State called Sabionetta on the con-
fines of the Milanese territory — and to be restored or com-
pensated for his Ducal crown. The Ducal army, it ap-
peared, had consisted of 500 men, in war time.

OPPOSITION TO THE FRENCH DEMANDS.

The French Plenipotentiaries had boldly put in (February
II, 1 7 12) the above recited demands of an extravagant char-
acter, and in opposition to. all the principles of the alliance.
These demands created great excitement in Parliament ;
and even Oxford and St. John felt they could not give in
to the overreaching spirit of France, or submit to demands,
which, as the victorious party, were humiliating to England.
So great was the agitation in England, caused by the terms
of the French demands, that Louis, under apprehension
that the progress of peace might be obstructed, and suffer-
ing from afflictions that much diminished his usual spirit
and force of character, subsequently modified his views.
The House of Lords was still recalcitrant. It declared, by
resolution, on February 26, 1712, "That the propositions
made at Utrecht, by the French Plenipotentiaries, were
scandalous, frivolous and dishonorable to the Crown and to
the Allies — that those who counselled the Queen to treat
on such propositions were enemies of her Majesty and the
nation — and that an address should be presented to her Maj-
esty to testify the just indignation of the House at the pre-
sentation of such propositions." Such an address was ac-
cordingly sent, to which the Queen replied very curtly.
The House of Commons also opposed the French proposi-
tions, and adopted a long address, suggesting modifica-
tions ; and at the same time charging, that the stipulations
of the States General to furnish troops and materials of
war, had not been carried out.

It was not until the 5th March, that the respective spe-

236 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

cific demands of the allies were all put before the Congress.
The demands were signed by the respective Plenipotenti-
aries and given in without order or preference.

The French, with a wily policy, postponed until the 30th
their answers to the demands; but when that day came
refused to make their answers in writing, advancing the pre-
text that they waited fresh instructions ; and abruptly
stating that there had been writing enough, and that it was
now time to negotiate. Up to May 10, they had made no
response to the demands of the allies, much to the indigna-
tion of the Plenipotentiaries of the latter. The French
Agents, no doubt, preferred not to definitely express their
views, while their secret negotiations with England were
going on. In the mean while, to expedite matters, Mr. Har-
ley * and the Abb6 Gaultier had arrived at Utrecht, about
April 4, and instructed the English Plenipotentiaries as to
the plan of a Peace as agreed on ; but it was to be kept
secret from the other allies.

PROTEST OF THE PRETENDER.

An interesting episode of the Congress, at Utrecht, was
the appearance, by protest, of the English Pretender, who
desired to figure upon the scene ; but, as he could not be
properly represented by a diplomatic agent, being not a
reigning monarch, he addressed a circular manifesto to all
the Plenipotentiaries.

It bore the date April 15, 1712; but was not put in
until towards the close of the sessions : an extract of the
words of the protest is as follows, translated from the Latin
original, then to a great extent the language of diplomacy.

" James, the King.

" James III., by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain,
France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, to all Kings
Princes, States, Republics, etc.

" Since, after a war so long and so ruinous to all Christian-
ity, it appears that all the Powers are ready to make peace

* This was a relative of the British minister.

PROTEST OF THE PRETENDER. 237

between themselves, and that they are on the point of rat-
ifying it without regard to our interests — we have judged
it necessary to assert, by this Protestation, our inahenable
right against all which may be done to its and our preju-
dice. * * * But, in truth, it is not merely our affairs which
concern us, but the immutable love which we have for our
good subjects causes us to observe, with great grief, that, so
far, neither their lives nor their property have been spared to
sustain the crying injustice that has been done us ; and that
now they are reduced to the extremity that if peace be
made, without regard to us, they must necessarily become
the prey of strangers and be put under their dominion."

The protest thus concludes :

"As to our rights, we find ourselves obliged, both with
regard to ourselves, our descendants and our subjects, to
strive as much as in us lies, that it do not appear that we
consent, by our silence, to that which may be done to our
prejudice, and to that of the legitimate heirs of our king-
doms. This is why we solemnly protest, in the best form
that we can, against all those things which may be deter-
mined and contracted to our prejudice, as utterly without
right and legitimate authority; and, having appended our
great seal to these letters, we entirely reserve all our rights
and all our pretension, and we declare that they exist and
will exist in their totality. In fine, we protest, before God
and before men, that we will be free from all blame and of
all reproach, and that to us cannot be attributed the cause
of the misfortunes that the wrongs that have already been
committed or that may be committed, in the future, against
us, may bring upon our Kingdoms or upon all Christendom.

" Given, at St. Germain, April the 25th, in the year of
our Saviour, 1712, and the 9th of our Reign.

" Signed, by the King's own hand, '

" James,
" King."

CHAPTER XXV.

The sudden Decease of the Duke and Duchess of Burgundy and the
Duke of Brittany. — Consternation and Grief throughout France. —
Grave suspicions of Poison, against the Duke of Orleans. — Charac-
ter of the Duke and Duchess of Burgundy.— Eloquent Eulogy by
St. Simon.— Depression and Grief of Louis XIV.— Interview of Vil-
lars with the King.— Effect of the above Events on the Congress. —
Renunciation required of Philip, to the French Crown. — Louis de-
lays Action.— Action of Philip.— He agrees to the Renunciation. —
Summary of the Renunciations by Philip and the French Princes.—
Subsequent Endorsement thereof, by the French Parliaments.

THE DECEASE OF THE DAUPHIN, THE DUKE AND DUCH-
ESS OF BURGITNDY, AND THE DUKE OF BRITTANY.

While the Congress was deeply engaged, in anxious con-
ference, three untoward events occurred, which had an im-
portant influence upon its deliberations.

On the 14th of April, 1711, had died of small-pox, in his
fiftieth year, the Dauphin, the only legitimate son of Louis
XIV., and the father of the King of Spain. The decease
of the Dauphin left his son, the Duke of Burgundy, the
heir apparent to the throne of France.

The Dauphin was a person of mediocre intellect, and of
no force of character ; and the King was consoled for his
loss, in the attachment he felt for his young heir, the Duke
of Burgundy, who had been educated by the virtuous Fene-
lon. He was a Prince of great intelligence ; amiable, truth-
ful, sensible, religious, — and with a purity and simplicity of
character that was conspicuous at a Court marked by vice,
intrigue, and crime. The aged monarch gloried in the idea
of having so worthy a scion as the Duke of Burgundy to
succeed him, on the throne of his ancient kingdom — and all
France looked forward, with joy and confidence, to the suc-
ceeding reign, which the advancing years of the King indi-
cated, could not be far distant.

238

DECEASE OF THE DAUPHIN. 239

The vivacious manners, and engaging esprit, also, of the
Duchess of Burgundy, the new Dauphiness, endeared her to
the aged King, and to all who came near her. The King
was never so happy as in her society, and in his distress and
disappointments her presence always cheered and diverted
him. So companionable was she to the King, who rejoiced
in her gay and buoyant spirits, contrasting as they did with
the formal obsequiousness of the Court, that she was priv-
ileged to enter his presence, at all times, — even when he
was engaged with the Ministers in his Cabinet. In private
it is related, that she would clasp the King about the neck,
jump upon his knees, torment him with all sorts of sportive-
ness, rummage among his papers, open his letters, and read
them in his presence — sometimes, in spite of him. She
also is described to have been true and generous to friends
and foes. Everybody loved her, about the Court ; and
missed her radiant presence, when absent from it.

On the 1 2th of February, 1712, at the age of 26, to the
consternation of the Court, where gayeties seldom allowed
the contemplation of death, a sudden and mysterious
malady carried off this much beloved member of the Royal
circle. Only six days thereafter, on the morning of the i8th
of February, just as the proposals for pacification were
under their first consideration, her husband, the new Dau-
phin, the young Duke of Burgundy, also died in great tor-
ment, of the same mysterious malady, that is said to have
tortured him as with a consuming fire. The Duke had
been mysteriously informed that his life was to be at-
tempted, but had given no heed to the warning.

And, again — on the 8th of March, in less than three
weeks, one of the two infant sons of the deceased Duke of
Burgundy, the Duke of Brittany, to whom the title of Dau-
phin had been given on the death of his father, also, was
no more ; leaving the remaining son, a feeble child, then
also stricken with the same malady, to survive, to be the
future King of France. His frail life is related to have
been saved by the courageous, and, under the circum-
stances, heroic act of the child's governess, the Duchess de
Ventadour, who, rendered suspicious by the sudden de-

240 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

cease of the parents, drove away all the attendant physi-
cians, and administered an antidote against poison, or some
other powerful medicine that had been brought from Italy.

Thus, three Dauphins of France died in less than a year
— the last two, and the wife and mother, in less than twenty-
four days !

These disasters culminated the woes and misfortunes of
France, and bowed down the aged monarch with grief in-
consolable. Instead of strengthening his royal Bourbon
line through his descendants, he saw, with horror, his dy-
nasty passing away before his eyes.

The effect of these terrible events was to appal all hearts ;
the grief and consternation was general, not only through
France but throughout Europe. So dreadful and sudden
were they, that suspicion of poison was generally enter-
tained, and fell, as with common consent, on the King's
nephew, the Duke of Orleans — the future Regent — between
whom and the crown intervened the feeble child, the then
Duke of Anjou, the great-grandson, and the Duke de Berry,
the remaining grandson of the King, soon destined to follow
his brother to the grave.

These suspicions of poison were verified by autopsy, and
for some years continued to cloud the life of the Duke of
Orleans. He was, for a long time, avoided by King and
courtier, and was hooted at and insulted by mobs, who
threatened to tear him to pieces. Sober reflection, how-
ever, subsequently generally exculpated him ; and the fact
that the Duke of Anjou lived to be King, in time, relieved
the Duke of Orleans from the foul suspicion of an inhuman
crime, foreign to his general character, and which Louis
subsequently refused to entertain. Some placed the re-
sponsibility of these horrible events upon the Due du
Maine, a natural son of the King, afterwards named by him
as principal Regent in his will, but supplanted by the Duke
of Orleans.

And yet these suspicions against the future Regent did
not seem to be without plausibility. There was an end to
be gained, and he was entirely without moral principle,
thanks to the teachings of his infamous preceptor, the Abb^

ST. SIMON'S EULOGY ON THE DAUPHIN. 241

Dubois, whose only god was ambition, and whose rule of
action, expediency ; who debauched his pupil's mind in
order the better to rule him ; and taught him avarice, per-
fidy, deceit, infidelity, and even the semi-worship of devils.
So false became his pupil that he boasted of his skill in de-
ceit as an accomplishment, and plumed himself on being
the most skilful trickster in the world ; he gloried also in
his daughter's accomplishments, as as intriguer and hypo-
crite. The Duke's study, of chemistry and necromancy,
added not a little to the suspicions against him.

A feeling and most eloquent panegyric may be found in
the pages of the Duke de St. Simon, usually flippant and
cynical, on the Dauphin, Duke of Burgundy, who, in that
loose age, and with such a father and grandfather, was in-
deed a novelty in character and conduct — much due, doubt-
less, to the teachings of Fenelon.

St. Simon thus records his tribute to this virtuous Prince
— the idol of his grandfather and the hope of France. It is
a beautiful panegyric, and worth repeating, even at this late
day.

" So much intelligence and of such a kind, joined to such
vivacity, sensibility, and passion, rendered his education
difficult. But God, who is the Master of all hearts, and
whose divine spirit breathes where he wishes, worked a
miracle on this Prince, between his eighteenth and twen-
tieth years. From this abyss he came out affable, gentle,
humane, moderate, patient, modest, penitent, humble, and
austere — even more than harmonized with his position.

" Devoted to his duties, feeling them to be immense, he
thought only how to unite the duties of a son and subject
with those he saw destined for himself. The shortness of
each day was his only sorrow — all his force, all his conso-
lation was in prayer, and pious reading. He clung, with
joy, to the cross of his Saviour, repenting sincerely his
past pride.

" The King, with his outside devotion, soon saw, with

secret displeasure, his own life censured by that of a Prince,

so young, who refused himself a new desk in order to give

the money it would cost to the poor ; and who did not care

242 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

to accept some new gilding, with which it was proposed to
furnish his little room.

" Great God ! what a spectacle you gave to us, in him !
What tender but tranquil views he had ! — What submission
and love of God ! — What a consciousness of his own noth-
ingness, and of his sins ! — What a magnificent idea of the
infinite mercy! — What religious and humble fear! — What
tempered confidence ! — What patience ! — What constant
goodness, for all who approached him ! France fell, in fine^
under this last chastisement. God showed to her a Prince
she merited not. The Earth was not worthy of him — he
was ripe already for the blessed eternity.

" The discernment of this Prince was such that, like the
bee, he gathered the most perfect substance from the best
and most beautiful flowers. He tried to fathom where to
draw from them the instruction and the light that he could
hope for. He conferred, sometimes, but rarely, with others
besides his chosen few. I was the only one not of that
number who had complete access to him ; with me he
opened his heart upon the present and the future, with con-
fidence, with sageness, with discretion. A volume would
not describe sufficiently my private views of this Prince —
What love of good ! What forgetfulness of self ! What
researches, what fruit ! What purity of purpose ! May I
say it, what reflection of the Divinity in that mind — candid,
simple, strong — which, as much as is possible here below, had
preserved the image of its Maker ! It was he that was not
afraid to say, publicly, in the salon of Marly, that ' A King
is made for his subjects and not the subjects for him,' a re-
mark, that, except under his own reign, which God did not
permit, would have been the most frightful blasphemy ! "

In reading of the dreadful infliction of these sudden
deaths, it may be said, that the Nemesis was indeed come,
to this king of vanity and blood — claiming, at last, and exe-
cuting, in full, her dreadful retribution !

The year 1712 had, indeed, commenced for France under
most disastrous auspices.

Marshal Villars recounts, that, when he called upon
Louis, 3k Marly, the firmness of the monarch gave way to

EFFECT OF THE DAUPHIN'S DECEASE. 243

the sensibility of the man. He burst into tears ; and in a
voice of heart-felt grief, exclaimed :" You see the state I
am in, Marshal — there are few examples of horrors such as
have come upon me — of losing, in the same week, my grand-
son, his wife, and their child — all of the greatest hope and
tenderly beloved. God has punished me — I have well
deserved this. I will suffer less in the other world. But
let me suspend my griefs, in view of the misfortunes of the
State ; and let us see what we can do to redress them."

EFFECT ON THE CONGRESS OF THE DECEASE OF THE
THREE DAUPHINS.

The decease of the three dauphins left, as heir to the
crown of France, the last of the sons of the Duke of Bur-
gundy, the then Duke of Anjou, subsequently notorious as
Louis XV., then a child, under three years of age. This
feeble life was the only obstacle to the legitimate right of
his uncle, the former Duke of Anjou, now Philip of Spain,
to the French Crown. At the time of his journey to Spain,
Philip had, between him and the French crown, the Grand
Dauphin, son of Louis, the Duke of Burgundy, and any chil-
dren of the latter.

The decease of the Dauphins and the Duke of Brittany
were startling political events, and created, anew, grave
discussion in European Cabinets. These occurrences imper-
illed the closing of the Treaty, on the preliminary basis
agreed on ; and complicated the task the Congress had in
hand of establishing peace for Europe.

It was deemed desirable that additional and more distinct
pledges should be required, on the part of France, against
any possible union, not only of the crowns, but of the right
to the two crowns of France and Spain, the event of their
union now appearing almost imminent.

It was deemed necessary, also, in view of the new politi-
cal conditions that resulted from the decease of the Dau-
phins, that there should be, not only a positive compact
between the contracting parties to the Treaty, but that
there should be an absolute and specific renunciation, on the

244 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

part of Philip, for himself and his heirs, in any and all
events, of his and their succession to the French Crown ;
which renunciation, it was demanded, should be sanctioned
by the Cortes and be decreed irrevocable.

The consideration of this important question and the
modus operandi, for a time, absorbed the attention of the
Plenipotentiaries at Utrecht — and, indeed, had a paralyzing
effect upon all negotiations, and raised the hopes of the
enemies of peace. The action of the Holland Plenipoten-
tiaries was now again especially directed to embarrass nego-
tiations. All the powers, except Austria, conceded, in
appearance at least, the point to France and Spain, of the
continuance of Philip on the Spanish throne — the sine qua
non was, however, always that the crowns should not, under
any circumstances, be vested in one person.

The principal exaction, now, on the part of the English
Plenipotentiaries, urged, not only at Utrecht, but by special
mission at Paris, was that the King of Spain should individ-
ually make positive and open renunciation of all right to
the French crown. This was the more necessary, inasmuch
as the King .of France seemed to consider that he could not
make any treaty that would determine the succession to the
throne of France, which being a matter of State law and
inheritance, was a right that no living person could take
from those who were entitled to it. To this demand of a
renunciation, Louis, for a long time, did not respond, much
to the surprise of the Plenipotentiaries of the allied powers.
The delay kept all proceedings in abeyance, and gave en-
couragement to the war party in the Congress.

Louis finally took the ground that he had no right to
make any stipulation for his grandson, as to the French suc-
cession, and that, if he did, the stipulation would be void.
At length, however, moved by the attitude of the other
Powers, in April, he sent despatches to the King of Spain,
instructing him that the matter was in his own hands, and
requesting him to come to a resolution on the subject ; at
the same time, counselling him, for the sake of peace, and
for the repose of Europe, to keep possession of his kingdom
and to renounce his right to the throne of France, although,

RENUNCIATION OF PHILIP. 245

at first, he seems to have given contrary advice.* In the
mean while St. John wrote to Louis in these emphatic
words :

" The queen has directed me to say to you that this arti-
cle of the renunciation, is of so great consequence not only
as affecting her, but all Europe besides, both now and for
all posterity, that she will not consent to continue any fur-
ther negotiation for peace, until the expedient she proposes
is adopted, or some other of equal force." The English
Plenipotentiaries were accordingly instructed to obtain the
renunciation, or to cease further negotiation.

The consideration of this matter consumed several
months, at Utrecht, and at London and Paris, between spe-
cial envoys. Louis XIV. seemed still unwilling to have his
grandson, for whom he had great affection, and who, in a
direct line, was his possible successor, permanently debarred
from his ancestral throne. Philip V., however, showed no
repugnance to the renunciation ; and expressed his determi-
nation to cast his fortunes, thereafter, entirely with his
Spanish subjects, for whom he seems to have had a real
affection, and by whom he was beloved ; with whom he had
shared the perils and triumphs of the war, and whose na-
tional independence he had, with them, heroically main-
tained.

This important matter was finally and virtually deter-
mined in May, 1712. The King of Spain wrote an earnest and
decisive letter to Louis, renouncing, forever, his right of

* Philip was, in fact, urged by Louis, not to abandon his right to the
Crown of France ; but to make an exchange with the House of Savoy —
Spain for Piedmont, Savoy and Montferrat — these latter to be annexed
to France, in case of Philip's accession to the throne of that country.

Louis wrote him, under date of May, 17 12, when Philip was hesitating :
" Judge how agreeable it would (be to me to be able to rely on you for
the future ; to be assured that if the Dauphin lives, I shall find in you a
regent accustomed to command, and capable of preserving order, and
repressing the cabals in my kingdom. If this infant should die, you will
enter on my succession, according to the order of your birth ; and I shall
have the consolation of leaving to my people a virtuous sovereign able
to rule them, and who in succeeding to me, will unite to the Crown
States so considerable, as Savoy, Piedmont and Montferrat."

246 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

succession to the French Crown. Before writing this letter
of renunciation, Philip, who was a Prince of sincere piety,
turned, for light, to Heaven. After performing his devo-
tions, and taking the holy communion, he summoned the
French representative at his court, and thus said to him :

" I have made my choice — no temptation shall ever induce
me to abandon this crown, which I consider the gift of
God ! "

"By this," he states in the conclusion of his letter to
Louis, " I give not only peace to France, but I give her an
ally, which, without this, might, some day, in league with
her enemies, give her great embarrassment ; and, at the
same time, I adopt the alternative which appears to me the
most conducive to my own glory and the good of my sub-
jects, who have so strongly contributed, by their attachment
and their zeal, to keep my crown upon my head." In a
speech of Philip to his Council of State, July 3, 1712, after
enumerating the conditions upon which peace was to be
made, he thus expresses himself : —

" The instances of the King, my grandfather, that I would
prefer, in the act of renunciation, the French Monarchy to
that of Spain, have been very great ; but, neither his earnest
solicitations, nor the consideration of the grandeur and
strength of France, have been able to alter my gratitude
and the obligations I have to the Spaniards, whose fidelity
has secured and strengthened, on my head, the crown which
Fortune on two marked occasions had rendered uncertain ;
so that, to remain united with the Spaniards, I would not
only prefer Spain to all the monarchies in the World, but I
would also content myself with the least part rather than
abandon the nation." He, therefore, states, that he re-
nounces the succession to France, for himself and his heirs,
in favor of the Duke of Berry, his brother, and the Duke of
Orleans, his uncle. By this act of renunciation, the King of
Spain not only ceded his right to the French crown, but,
also, under the demands of the allies, his rights to the
Kingdom of Naples, the Duchy of Milan, and the Spanish
Netherlands.

When the Courier arrived from Madrid, with the missive

RENUNCIATION OF THE FRENCH PRINCES. 247

of consent to the renunciation, its contents were immedi-
ately communicated to the EngHsh Court.

The progress of negotiations at Utrecht will be a little
anticipated, in giving, in the above connection, an abstract
of the texts of the renunciations that were made by Philip
and also by the French Princes.

The formal renunciation of Philip is not dated until the
Sth of November, 1712, and recites that it is made to cement
a firm and lasting peace, and for the general repose and wel-
fare of Europe, in a proper equilibrium of powers. He re-
nounces the crown of France, under all possibilities, for
himself and his descendants ; and makes provision for the
descent of the Spanish crown, in case of his decease, with-
out descendants, in such manner that it shall not devolve on
the House of Austria. The renunciation, in conclusion,
states, that he " cheerfully signs the renunciation, with a
wish henceforward to live and die with his loving and faithful
Spanish subjects — bequeathing to his descendants the in-
separable bonds of their fidelity and affection."

The English Cabinet, under apprehension, that the renun-
ciation of Philip, and a compact by Treaty, might not be
considered as sufficient to bind other of the Bourbon princes
of the blood, from asserting their claims to the Spanish
crown, in case, by possibility, they might succeed to that of
France, instructed their representatives to require the re-
nunciations, also, of the Dukes of Orleans and Berry— one
the nephew, and the other, the grandson of the King of
France ; and, consequently, the presumptive legitimate
heirs of the double succession, in case of the decease of the
infant Dauphin.

A formal renunciation by the Duke de Berry was, accord-
ingly, subsequently made, dated on the 24th of November,
1712. It is addressed to all kings, republics, and Commu-
nities of the Earth, both present and future : and re-^
nounces, for himself and his descendants, all right to the^
succession of Spain, "in such sort that all the lines of
France and Spain, respectively and relatively, shall be
excluded forever and always, from all the rights that the
lines of France can have in the crown of Spain, and the

248 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

lines of Spain on the crown of France." A proviso was
also inserted that the House of Austria should also be
excluded from the Spanish Crown. A similar renunciation
was also made by the Duke of Orleans, nephew of Louis,
bearing date the 19th of November, 171 2.

But even disposed as England was to peace, she would
listen to no engagement pledged by Louis, unless there
should be a solemn endorsement of the engagements of the
King and his kin by the French National Parliament, so
far as there was any power left in France or the Parliament
so to act. No confidence was placed in the personal word
or engagements of the King : he had before violated
treaties, without hesitation ; and broken his faith with
many of the Powers of Europe. The ratification by Parlia-
ment of the renunciation for himself and his descendants,
and of his own right to the Spanish crown was demanded.
Accordingly the French Parliament was, some time after,
assembled; and, on the i8th of May, 1713, in the most
solemn manner, in the assembly of Parliament, with attend-
ant courtiers, the princes of the blood, the bastard princes,
and the peers and dignitaries of the realm, these latter
renunciations were read and ratified, in solemn and stately
procedure. The renunciations having been also ratified
and assented to by Louis, by Letters Patent, his assent
and the three renunciations were registered in all the
Courts of Parliament and Chambers of account, in France ;
and proclaimed, as acts of State, both in France and Spain.

CHAPTER XXVI.

War during the Progress of the Negotiations. — Action of the Duke of
Ormond, commanding the EngUsh and other Contingents. — St. John's
Instructions to him.^Ormond's secret Advices to Villars. — Ormond's
contemptible Position. — His Inaction. — Protest of the " Lords." —
Speech of Lord Halifax. — Ormond withdraws his Troops, and an
Armistice proclaimed by Queen Anne. — Indignation of the Allies. —
Mortification of the English Troops. — Continued Negotiations, in the
Summer of 171 2. — The War maintained by the Emperor. — Quesnoy
taken by Prince Eugene. — The English Troops occupy Dunkirk. —
New Demands by England. — Heinsius still opposed to Peace. —
Louis hastens the Negotiations. — He urges Villarsto fight a Battle. —
The decisive Battle of Denain, July, 1712.- — Marchiennes, Douay,
Quesnoy and Bouchain taken by Villars. — The Quarrel between the
Lackeys of the French and Dutch Ambassadors at Utrecht. — Its
Effect on Negotiations.

WAR, AND NEW COMPLICATIONS.

While the deliberations at Utrecht were slowly proceed-
ing, the operations of war were being conducted with little
activity. When Ormond united his forces with those of
'Prince Eugene in the Spring, they formed an army of
120,000 men — superior in numbers to those of Villars, and
also in the materiel of the soldiery ; many of Villars' troops
being inexperienced recruits, while the men of the Allies
were hardened veterans accustomed to success.

In May, 1712, the Allies began to move their troops for
the summer campaign : they had outmanoeuvred the
French, and were preparing to attack Villars, with every
prospect of success, when all their plans were disconcerted
by intelligence that the Duke of Ormond refused to join,
with his British troops and others under his command, in
any further hostile operations. The States General, long
suspicious of Ormond, had refused to recognize him as
Commander-in-chief; and now, justly indignant, sent a
written request to him to unite his forces with the others,

249

2SO THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

for the campaign. He responded, that he had orders not
to act — but that the orders were to be kept secret. He
was, indeed, placed in a contemptible position. His orders,
apparently, were not positive, but rather, as it was inti-
mated to him, that he was to keep quiet — and information
of these directions were sent to 'the French court and
to Villars. Secretary St. John had written to Ormond
specially, in this regard ; instructing him to avoid hazard-
ing a battle, and not to engage in any siege; to which
Ormond had replied on the 9th May, as follows : " I am
persuaded, with you, that a battle, either lost or won, in
the present state of affairs, would cause great interrup-
tion to the progress of the treaty. However, you have not
forgotten that my instructions are that I should push the
war with vigor, in concert with the Allies ; so that if a
favorable opportunity should! present itself for attacking
the enemy, I cannot refuse, in case that it is urged by the
Prince or the States General. I hope that positive instruc-
tions will come before the armies are formed, which will be
in two or three days."

Knowledge of Ormond's instructions and inactivity soon
reached England. Complaint was made in Parliament,
particularly, that the Allies did not take Cambray, which
opened the way into the heart of France ; and declaring
that the policy of France was fallacious and ensnaring, and
that no reliance was to be placed upon her good intentions ;
that she had made no specific answer to the demands of
the Allies, and that great opportunities for conquering a
peace were lost ; and that, at any rate, proceedings should
be kept up until sufficient guaranty was given, by France.
Ormond, soon after, received such further instructions from
the Ministry, that he entered into a secret correspondence
with Villars, declaring that they were no longer enemies,
and announced that the future movements of his troops
were intended merely for forage and subsistence, and not
for offensive operations. Ormond's position now became
one of ridicule, not only in the Parliament, but before the
English people. Verses were circulated, to the effect that
he was merely tending a flock of sheep, ridiculing his posi-

IN DIG N A TION OF L ORD HALIFAX. 251

tion, and exalting Marlborough, at Ornjond's expense ; and
caricatures were circulated, in which St. John was repre-
sented as putting a padlock on Ormond's sword. Pawlet,
in the Lords, in defending Ormond, bitterly 'attacked Marl-
borough, who, feeling insulted at Pawlet's insinuations,
sent him a challenge— but the Queen forbade the impend-
ing duel. Halifax, in the Lords, called for the instructions
that had been given Ormond, and moved a resolution that
he be directed to act against the enemy ; which resolution,
under the skilful opposition of the Lord Treasurer, was
lost, by a large majority. But a protest of the Whig Lords
was issued, denouncing the inaction of Ormond, as dishon-
orable to the nation, and unjust towards the allies.

The indignant words of Lord Halifax in the House of
Lords on the debate on the instructions to Ormond are
memorable. After speaking of the glorious success that
had attended the armies of the Allies, he continues : " I
pity that heroic and gallant general, who, on other occa-
sions, took delight in charging the most formidable corps
and strongest squadrons, and cannot but be weary at being
fettered with shackles, and thereby prevented from reaping
the glory he might well expect from leading troops so accus-
tomed to conquer. I pity the Allies, who have relied upon
the aid and friendship of the British nation, perceiving that
what they have done, at so great an expense of blood and
treasure, is of no effect, as they will be exposed to the re-
venge of the power against which they have been so active.
I pity the Queen, her royal successors, and the present and
future generations of Britain ; when they shall find the
nation deeply involved in debt, and that common enemy,
who occasioned it, though once being near sufificiently
humbled, does still triumph, and designs their ruin, and is
informed that this proceeds from the conduct of the British
Cabinet, in neglecting to make a use of those advantages
and happy occasions which their own courage, with God's
blessing had gained, and put into their hands." Halifax
concluded by moving that counter orders should be sent to
Ormond, directing him to " act offensively in conjunction
with the other Allies against the common enemy." This

252 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

motion was seconded in an earnest speech by Marlborough,
but the Ministry triumphed, and, as above stated, the
motion was lost.

The action or inaction of Ormond, while many opportu-
nities were open for his attacking the French, excited, of
course, the highest indignation among the Dutch and other
Allies, and they made a strong protest on the subject to the
Queen. Prince Eugene was loud in his denunciations, and
claimed that England had betrayed them. Ormond felt that
his position was an absurd and contemptible one, and he so
expressed himself to the English Ministers, but strictly fol-
lowed his instructions. In the mean while Villars wrote him
that he had been notified as to his orders.

After many prevarications, on June 24th, the Duke of
Ormond notified Prince Eugene and the Deputies of the
States General that he had been directed to proclaim an
armistice for two months, as to operations in the Nether-
lands. He also astounded them with the notification, that,
if the Allies did not immediately abandon the siege of
Quesnoy then carried on by Eugene, he would separate his
troops and all those in the pay of England from the forces
of the Allies. He subsequently, with his English troops,
took up his quarters at Ghent and Bruges.

The orders of St. John to Ormond to withdraw the troops
under his command, not only, in the estimation of the other
Allies, left a deep stain on the honor of England, but mate-
rially affected the results of the campaign ; for to the with-
drawal of the British contingent the subsequent successes of
Villars were mainly due. These directions of St. John to
Ormond formed one of the principal grounds of impeach-
ment against the former, at a subsequent time.

The forces, not only English, but those of the Allies,
under Ormond, in English pay, were indignant at their
withdrawal from the field and desertion of their Allies.
When the suspension of arms was proclaimed at the head of
each regiment, the news was received with a burst of indig-
nation : instead of huzzahs and acclamations at the speedy
return of peace, a general hiss and murmur was heard
throughout the camp — the officers were overwhelmed with

PROTEST OF THE STATES GENERAL. 253

shame and mortification, and keenly felt the disgrace of
laying down their arms after their many hard fought and
victorious contests. All the troops of the Allies in English
pay under Ormond's command, except some Dutch and
Holstein troops, had before that time refused to obey his
orders, and had indignantly left him : among these were
Danes, Prussians, Saxons, and Hanoverians.

The States General in June, sent a strong letter of protest
to the Queen against the action of Ormond, and against the
declaration by the English Plenipotentiary at Utrecht, that
England would take measures for peace apart from the
Dutch. A portion of this protest is as follows : " We pray
your Majesty to consider, according to your great penetra-
tion, whether we have not just ground to be surprised, when
we see a stop put, by an order in your Majesty's name, with-
out our knowledge, to the operations of the Confederate
Army, the finest and strongest which, perhaps, has been in
the field, during the whole course of the war ; and provided
with all necessaries to act with vigor ; and this, after they
had marched, according to the resolution taken, in concert
with your Majesty's general almost up to the enemy, with a
great superiority, both as to number and goodness of troops,
and animated with a noble courage and zeal to acquit them-
selves bravely. So that in all human appearance, and with
the Divine assistance, we should have been able, either by
battle or siege, to gain great advantages over the enemy, to
have bettered the affairs of the Allies, and facilitate the
negotiations of peace." After protesting in further strong
language, almost of reproach, against the withdrawal of
Ormond's forces and England's efforts at a separate peace,
the protest thus concludes: " In truth, Madam, if, for such
a cause. Potentates, allied and united together by the
strictest ties of alliance, interest, and religion, any one of
those potentates could quit all their engagements and dis-
engage themselves from all their obligations, there is no tie
so strong which may not be broke at any time, and we
know of no engagements that could be relied on for time to
come." The Queen returned to this missive a curt reply, to
the effect that all her intentions, as to peace, would be com-

254 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

municated to the States General, " who should cease from
their apprehensions."

In the mean while, however, Holland began to perceive
the consequences which would result from being left out, if
a separate treaty were made with England, and she were
deprived of English troops and English subsidies ; she con-
sequently became more docile, although the war party in
England had still a strong influence upon her and kept up
its efforts. The negotiations for a general peace, however,
went on with a show of industry, and every proposed article
was obstinately contested by Holland and Germany. The
substantial reason why Holland and the Emperor were not
desirous of peace was, that they did not believe in the sin-
cerity of the French King. They believed no peace could
be permanent and advantageous, unless Louis was com-
pletely humbled by the allied powers. War, with him, had
been a pastime — a gratification of pride and a source of
glory. Every war in which he had been, theretofore, en-
gaged, had increased his despotic powers or extended his
dominions'; and the welfare of Europe, and even of his own
people, and the substantial interests of his country, had
been secondary considerations to the claims of his ambition.
No moral considerations, therefore, were to be relied on, no
promises were to be believed, no formal peace was to be
trusted — nothing but fierce blows to beat down the turbu-
lent monarch, in his very lair, into a state of permanent
submission and degradation. The Grand Pensionaiy, Hein-
sius, was particularly indisposed to peace, and the war was
kept up. He had inherited all the grand ideas of William
HI., and liked to play an important r6le in European affairs,
and, as one of the despised " bourgeois" gloried in contin-
uing the humiliation of the French king.

In the mean while, at Utrecht, the peace was making an
apparent, but .slow progress, as between France and Great
Britain, while the States General seeijied to interpose
every possible obstacle, and resolved to hold alliance with
the Emperor and Savoy ; and the separate movement of
England continued to excite their indignation. The Em-
peror and his Allies, meanwhile, continued vigorous pro-

NE W DEMANDS B Y ENGLAND. 255

ceedings in the conduct of the war. In July, Eugene took
Quesnoy, which surrendered without waiting for a general
assault. This was a place of great importance, being a
medium of communication for Hainault and Brabant.

The delay in the negotiations, owing to the continued
indisposition on the part of Holland to bring the treaty to
a conclusion, intimated to England that she would have to
make a separate arrangement with France and had there-
tofore caused her to retire her troops from the field. This
course she had led France to understand she would take,
on condition only that Dunkirk was to be occupied by Eng-
lish troops, pending further negotiations. Thig plan, it was
supposed, would cause Holland to cease to temporize, and
compel her, unable to cope, as she would be, with the
French forces, to unite in a final and general peace. The
English soldiers were admitted into Dunkirk on July
9th, all hostilities having then practically ceased between
the troops of France and England. The French King
thereupon claimed from England the fulfilment of her
pledge no longer to delay the separate peace, as all sub-
stantial matters had been agreed on.

A new cause of embarrassment now arose, however,
being a demand by England for her ally, the Duke of
Savoy, that Sicily should be ceded to the Duke, from the
Spanish Dominions : this island Louis XIV. had intended
to bestow on the Elector of Bavaria, in return for his ser-
vices and faithful alliance during the war, and as an indem-
nification for what he might lose under a general treaty.
Under this new demand from England, Louis began to be
disposed to enter into a separate treaty with Holland, by
\yhich Tournay was to be added to the barrier. He was
disposed, however, to concede much to England, as Queen
Anne's health was tottering, and his own increasing infirmi-
ties warned him that if he was to have a peace for France,
he had no time to lose.

In the midst of these delays and complications, an event
occurred which, operating powerfully in the interest of
Louis, stimulated the ideas of the Allies towards peace.

Although the English troops, to the extent of i8,CX)0

256 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

men, had deserted the ranks of the Allies, the army of the
latter was still formidable — and they still had great re-
sources, and could fill their ranks after every defeat.
France, however, was in a desperate state — further defeat
would be her destruction, and peace was a necessity: she
experienced great trouble in getting recruits — not only
vagabonds and low, debauched persons, but even students
of the Universities were seized and marched off to swell
the numbers of the victims of war. General Grovestein,
despatched by Eugene, with 15CXD horsemen, had ravaged
Champagne, and spread alarm even at Paris, the troops
there being kept in readiness to defend the person of the
King. Without allies, without money, and with a dis-
heartened army, Louis, now, thought seriously of abandon-
ing his capital and retreating beyond the Loire. Appre-
ciating his desperate condition, and apprehending that the
long negotiations for peace might be abortive, Louis had
written a letter to Villars, now his sole reliance, urging him
to some great immediate effort.

The spirited words of Louis to his valiant Marshal have
come down to us.

"You see where we are," he wrote, "to conquer or to
perish — seek the enemy and fight him."

"Sire," replied the Marshal, "it is your last battle."
" No matter," replied the King, " if the battle is lost, write
to me, privately: — I will mount my horse, pass through
Paris, your letter in my hand — I know my French people —
I will bring you 200,000 men and I will bury myself, with
them, under the ruins of the monarchy. I will make a last
effort with you, and we will perish together or save the
State — for I will never consent to let the enemy approach
my capital."

Stimulated by the undaunted spirit of the King, the
French rallied about his standards, with desperate resolve,
and Villars gained the great battle at Denain, fought July
24, 1712. This battle saved France.

Villars, by a false demonstration and skilful manceuvring,
had placed Prince Eugene in such a position that he could
not assist a portion of his army, under the Earl of Albe-

SUCCESSES OF FRANCE IN THE FIELD. 257

marie. The French, under Villars and Montesquiou, forced
the entrenchment of the Allies, completely defeated them,
and took possession of a large quantity of magazines of
war, material and provisions. In this engagement a large
number of general ofificers of the allies perished, while the
French loss was only 500 men.

As may be well supposed there was great rejoicings, on
the receipt of the news of this victory, at Versailles ; the
sixty standards taken from the enemy were carried to the
church of Ndtre Dame ; and a religious glorification over
this great success was celebrated by the Cardinal de
Noailles, the Archbishop of Paris, by the express direction
of Louis, who in his mandate to him states: "And as
such an event is a visible mark of the favor of God, who
knows the righteousness of my intentions, I feel bound to
render him this special act of thanks."

The taking of Marchiennes, by Villars, a few days after
the battle, was important, as in it there were over two hun-
dred pieces of cannon and many other implements of war.
Over 6000 prisoners were there captured. Villars, also,
moving with alacrity, retook Douay, Quesnoy, Bouchain,
and other fortified places, in a period of little over two
months. Every step of Villars thereafter assisted in the
making of peace. He had indeed saved France.

THE QUARREL AT UTRECHT, JULY, 1712.

Quarrels between the attendants of the various ambassa-
dors were not infrequent at Utrecht : one of them between
the lackeys of the Count de Rechteren, one of the Plenipo-
tentiaries of the States General, and those of the Chevalier
Menager, a Plenipotentiary of France, gave rise to pro-
longed discussion, and almost grave results. In conse-
quence of the occurrence, the French King requested of the
States General, the recall of Count Rechteren, on the'
ground, that he, by encouraging and supporting his lackeys,
had violated the law of Nations, the niceties of which re--
quired that both the Domestics and Coaches of Ambassa-
dors should be as inviolate as the persons and dignity of
17

258 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

their masters. On hearing of the occurrence, Louis sent
orders to his Plenipotentiaries to suspend all negotiations
about the Peace, until satisfaction was made to them. As
this occurred in the midst of the negotiations, it became a
matter of no little moment. The imbroglio arose in this
wise.

On the 27th of July, the news of the battle of Denain
was received at Utrecht, and, of course, was a matter of
much glorification, on the part of those in the French in-
terest. As the Count de Rechteren and another Dutch
Plenipotentiary were passing the house of M. Menager, in
a coach, the lackeys and the porter of the latter, standing in
front of the house, as was testified in the investigation,
hissed and laughed at, with indecent gesticulations, the
coach on which were the lackeys of the Dutch Minister.
Thereupon the Dutch lackeys complained to their master,
who sent his Secretary, to desire reparation for the insult.
A meeting of the servants of the French and Dutch Minis-
ters was subsequently proposed to be held at M. Menager's
house, in order to hear the testimony of both sides, as to
the facts ; this meeting M. Menager afterwards refused to
join in, alleging that his people denied the facts ; and he
rather ridiculed the idea of giving any satisfaction ; stating,
moreover, that he would not have the noise of brawling
lackeys in his house. This answer having much exasper-
ated the Dutch Ministers, they sent rather an impudent
message to M. Menager, to the effect that he was making a
pretence in order to shield the impudence of his domestics.
The Dutch lackeys, thereupon took the matter in their own
hands, and proceeded to satisfy their wounded honor, by
assailing and striking the French servants, and threatened
to cut them, with knives. A general meUe thereupon en-
sued. It appeared that M. Rechteren, thereupon, openly
expressed his satisfaction at the occurrence ; asserting that
his lackeys did right in redressing their own insults, since
their masters could not procure any redress for them. The
whole affair was afterwards placed under the solemn deliber-
ation of their " High Mightinesses," the States General ;
who, after reading all the letters and testimony bearing

THE JUDGMENT OF THE STATES GENERAL. 259

upon the matter, which had now become a state affair, re-
solved, in solemn council, a judgment in these words:

" That affairs being in such a condition, they (their High
Mightinesses), do not think it necessary to determine the
right or the wfong, that either of the parties may have ; but
that their High Mightinesses did not believe that a quarrel,
of this nature, would have been an obstacle for retarding a
work so great as that of Peace. That their High Mighti-
nesses never had any advice of this quarrel between the
Lackeys of Monsieur Menager and Monsieur, the Count de
Rechteren, before they received the letter, mentioned at the
beginning of this resolution ; so far were they from giving
any order thereupon, to the Count de Rechteren, that,
by consequence, they disown all that was done in the mat-
ter, without their order. That they could have wished this
affair had not been drawn out to so great a length, nor car-
ried before his Most Christian Majesty, but, that since it is
so, they persuade themselves, nevertheless, that though
they have the misfortune to be at war with the King of
France, His Majesty will do them the justice to believe,
they never failed in the respect or high esteem which a
Republic owes to a great King; and which they always
had, and shall have, without ceasing. That they should
certainly be very much troubled if his Majesty had other
thoughts of them. That to make known, at this time, their
desire and inclination for the advancement of the Peace
the Count de Rechteren shall be no longer employed as
Plenipotentiary, at the Conferences which are to be held
for that end, and, that it shall be taken into consideration,
according to the custom of our Government, to make a
nomination of another Plenipotentiary."

Some of the Deputies of the States General, not liking
the humble tone of the above resolution, refused to give
their assent to it ; but France carried the day — and the
offending Plenipotentiary was removed. Thus ended the
burlesque episode of the War of the Lackeys ; that, insig-
nificant as it may seem, under the jealousy of national
pride, and the delicate susceptibilities of diplomatic inter-

26o THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

course, threatened, for a time, to cause a rupture of the
great negotiations for peace.

The tone of the Resolution of the States General, and
the determination of the matter in favor of France was,
doubtless, very much due to the results of the battle of
Denain. If the occurrence had happened with the scales
of victory weighing on their side, as at Ramilies, no such
very respectful resolutions would have emanated from their
" High Mightinesses."

The heat and persistence displayed by De Rechteren, in
the matter, was supposed, by some, to be not without diplo-
matic reasons. , His efforts to triumph over the representa-
tives of the French King, were made, as was thought, in
order that his conduct, as a plenipotentiary, might wound
the pride, ever keenly susceptible, of the king, and, thereby,
induce him to withdraw his plenipotentiaries from Utrecht,
so that there might be a rupture of the conferences. The
result, however, was to the advantage of France ; for the
delay, occasioned by the deliberation upon this matter,
gave France further time to perfect her outside negotiations
with England — thereby giving her new strength in the main
conferences.

CHAPTER XXVII.

The Feeling in England During the Negotiations. — Resolutions in the
Two Houses of Parliament. — Addresses sent to the Queen. — Public
Opinion. — Extracts from Dr. Arbuthnot's Celebrated Satire, in be-
half of the Tories.

FEELING IN ENGLAND DURING THE NEGOTIATIONS.

The proceedings of the Congress at Utrecht were, in the
mean while, watched with grave anxiety and varying feel-
ings in England. On the assent given by the French min-
istry to the provisions as to the renunciation of the throne
of France, by Philip, and that Dunkirk should be occupied,
provisionally, by English troops, England was prepared to
close the negotiations ; and, on June 6th, the agreement
for an armistice had been made. In June, 1712, the Queen
sent a message to Parliament, rehearsing the condition of
negotiations and the difificulties which lay in the way of
peace, and specifying the substantial conditions that had
been agreed on with the French Court, as preliminaries, so
far as England was concerned.

The Commons, thereupon, quite subservient to the Minis-
try, passed a resolution: "That this House has the utmost
confidence in the promise of her Majesty to communicate
to it the conditions of Peace, before it is concluded, and
this House will sustain Her Majesty, in her efforts to ob-
tain an honorable and firm peace, against all persons,
whether within or without the kingdom, who have tried or
will try to hinder it." In the House of Lords, however,
there was violent opposition and debate : the proposed
Treaty was stigmatized as disgraceful, and the articles were
ridiculed, in so far, particularly, as they recognized the
Bourbons as possessors of the Spanish throne, the exclusion
of whom had been the main object of the war — and, it was
urged, that instead of the powers of Europe being balanced,
the weight was thrown with France : it was urged, too,

261

262 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

that no separate peace should be concluded. The influence
of the Court party, however, carried the day, and the origi-
nal address was adopted by a large majority. A courteous
but not enthusiastic response was made to the Queen's
address, ending with these words, " And we humbly assure
your Majesty that this House relies entirely upon the
wisdom of your Majesty to iinish this great and good
work." The Whig Lords, however, and some of the Tories
issued a formal protest, mainly against the making of any
separate treaty by England without the allies, and, at the
same time, protesting that the offers of France were deceit-
ful and insufificient.

The Parliament was soon after prorogued. At about this
time, during the negotiations, and until their conclusion, in
order to sustain the Queen and her Ministers, addresses
were sent from all over England to the two Houses, urging
the conclusion of peace : these addresses or many of them
are supposed to have been instigated by the Ministry. It
may be interesting to give the text of some few of them, as
showing, either the temper of the English people at large
on the subject of the Peace, or the ingenuity of the Minis-
ters in having addresses of this charac1;er prepared. The
address of the Lord Mayor and City Officials of London is
dated in June, 1712, and is, partially, in these humble and
almost grovelling words :

" We humbly beg leave to approach your Majesty, with a
just acknowledgment of your Majesty's most gracious con-
descension. We want words to express our gratitude to
your Majesty for the care you have taken of the Protestant
succession, as by law established in the House of Hanover,
the steady pursuit of the true interests of your own king-
doms, and the satisfaction of your allies, maugre all the dif-
ficulties which have been artfully contrived to obstruct the
same."

Similar addresses poured in from cities, boroughs and
towns, great and small, throughout the kingdom, and
some even from the American Colonies. The following
composition from the University of Oxford is a curious
specimen of the canting " loyalty " of that learned body.

ADDRESSES SENT TO QUEEN ANNE. 263

" It is the common happiness of all your subjects, that your
Majesty has, of late, been attended by persons whose coun-
sels have gone along with your own most gracious dispo-
sition. But, it is our peculiar honor that one of the sacred
order, bred among us, is employed by your Majesty in
business agreeable to his Holy Function — the treating a
Peace — whilst our Chancellor, himself, is at the head of
your Majesty's troops, ready to oblige the enemy, by arms,
to accept such terms as you have thought fit to offer ; from
whence we hope to reap that fruit of righteousness which is
sown in peace, of them that make Peace. May God grant
your Majesty a long enjoyment of that blessedness on
Earth, which is the genuine as well as the promised effect
of your own meekness and your gentle government, and
whenever your Majesty shall be taken from us, (a calamity
which we dare not think of), may the Immortal Crown
of Glory be the reward of your unparalleled piety tow-
ards God, affection to his Church and goodness to your
people."

The manly address of the City of Wells is in excellent
contrast to the above effusions.

" Most Gracious Sovereign : We, your Majesty's most du-
tiful and loyal subjects, the Mayor, Burgesses, etc., of
Wells, with the utmost gratitude, acknowledge your Maj-
esty's great goodness, in endeavoring to procure, after a
long and expensive war, a safe and honorable peace. That
your Majesty may bring the same to a speedy conclusion,
and live long to enjoy the blessings of it, are the hearty
wishes and prayers of. Madam, your Majesty's most loyal
and dutiful subjects."

The following extract from a grandiloquent address from
the inhabitants and Burgesses of Edinburgh, in December,
1 71 2, is remarkable. The address begins with the usual
sling at Marlborough and Eugene. It speaks of a " de-
signing few who gained by the war, and were determined
to perpetuate our miseries, by endeavoring, for their own
private ends, to entail poverty, desolation and war upon
generations to come." The address thus concludes : " A
Peace is now very near concluded, in defiance of an un-

264 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

grateful, interested spirit that has seized on some of your
allies abroad, especially those whose precarious grandure,
and most towering hopes so much depend upon your Maj-
esty, and of a restless disaffected faction at home, by whose
inhuman and hellish contrivances the death of your chief
minister has been twice attempted,* and as we have too
much reason to suspect, that of an high and illustrious pa-
triot effected." " That the power of the Devil and rage of
his emissaries may make no further advances to the throne,
that your Majesty's sacred life may be guarded by Heaven,
and that you may long continue the darling of your people,
the terror of your foes, the umpire of Europe, the Restorer
of Right, the Avenger of Wrong, and the nursing mother of
our unspotted Church, ever the same, and ever advised by
such a Parliament, and served by such a Ministry as the
present is the most hearty and sincere prayer, etc."

Up to the time of William III. no animadversion on public
men or measures, by way of remonstrance from the people,
was tolerated; and undue criticism was deemed treasona-
ble : during his reign, however, the English people at large,
had begun to be a noticeable and potential factor in public
affairs, and under Queen Anne, popular influence was of no
little account in shaping governmental action. And yet,
as in Sacheverell's case, hostile comments on government
or its measures were attended with no little risk, and Miifis^
ters owed much of their strength and independence to their \
power to prevent and punish hostile criticism. The nu-
merous addresses in favor of peace, therefore, endorsing
the policy of the administration, cannot be considered as
fairly expressing public opinion on the subject, while
Ministers had still the will and the power to restrain
the expression of public sentiment, when adverse to their
views.

It would have been difficult, in fact, to determine what
was, in reality, any general public sentiment on any subject
at this time, among the people of England — there were not

* This is an allusion to an attack upon Harley, by one Guiscard, a
French Refugee and Adventurer, who stabbed the Minister, with a pen-
knife, in the Council Chamber.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN ENGLAND. gg^

only parties but shades of parties — moving, some of them,
in the dark — the petty public Press manifested and repre-
sented no views, and the weekly Essays and occasional pam-
phlets of the time expressed the opinions of a few, and
were too much under the bias of party and the control of
party men to be fair exponents of public thought.

The return of members of Parliament would of course be
strongly indicative of public opinions : but this was of occa-
sional occurrence and kept no step with the changing cir-
cumstances and varying interests of the time, manipulated,
as they were, by keen partisans, who, operating in a small
circle in and about the Court and Capital, were able to out-
strip all public sentiment and act before it had time to give
itself expression.

It is quite different in these days of free speech, free
press and cheap postage, when steam and lightning not
only give their aid to illumine the popular mind in regions
both near and far from the seat of public affairs, but give it
speedy utterance — and, consequently, power.

In a letter or despatch written by a foreign minister in
England, to Mr. Petticum, in 1710, found among the
Somers tracts, the four parties in England at this time are
thus tersely described :

" 1st. The Tories are those who firmly adhere to the mon-
archical government, under its legal limitations and re-
strictions, and to the doctrine and ceremonies of the
Church of England ; and who, upon old grudges and ani-
mosities look on the dissenters as their declared enemies.

" 2d. The party of the Whigs, or low Churchmen, is made
up of such churchmen as have a brotherly tenderness for
the dissenters, and of the dissenters themselves : and both
these are also for the monarchy — though perhaps in a more
restricted sense than the other.

" 3d. The Jacobites consist of some members of the
Church of England, and of all the Roman Catholics of the
Kingdom ; the first of whom, upon a principle of con-
science, the others of duty, inclination and interest did con-
stantly adhere to the late King James; and, as far as in
them lay, promoted his restoration as they now do that of

266 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

the Pretender. This party is, of itself, hardly considerable
enough to be mentioned, or taken notice of, but that upon
all public occasions, they intrude themselves upon and mix
with the High Churchmen ; who, though they differ in
principle and are firmly zealous for the Protestant succes-
sion, yet in elections do not scruple to accept their votes ;
the rather because their competitors, the Whigs, do also
fortify themselves by the fourth party, viz. :

"4th. The Republican or Commonwealth men. This
party, a spawn of the old Cromwellists, consists of a few
Presbyterians and all the Independents of this nation, who
would make no matter of figure, themselves, but that they
join themselves with the true Whigs; though with as small
encouragement from them as the Whigs receive from the
high churchmen, arid with as little conforming to their
political principles.

" From these intrusions, it comes to pass, that upon any
contention and disputes that arise between the two great
parties of this nation, the Tories and Whigs mutually
asperse one another with the odious appellations of the
minor party, which sometimes lurks among them ; so that
the Tories call the Whigs Republicans, and the Whigs call
the Tories Jacobites. "

EXTRACT FROM DR. ARBUTHNOT'S SATIRE.

Although somewhat intrenching upon the gravity of
serious historical narrative, it may not be out of place to
give, here, an extract from Dr. Arbuthnot's celebrated jeu
d' esprit called " Law is a bottomless pit, or the History of
John Bull," as illustrating one set of opinions on the ques-
tions pending at Utrecht. The effect of this satire, it is re-
lated, was wonderful ; as it was admirably adapted to the
purpose in view ; and its humor commended itself to minds
of every capacity ; it appeared in successive parts, and did
much to divert the popular mind from the brilliant but
illusory successes of the war, towards the solid advantages
of peace.

It placed before the People the great questions which

EXTRACT FROM ARBUTHNOT'S SA TIRE. 267

affected their own prosperity as well as the national inter-
ests, in-a broad, plain light, and with an ingenious art that
seemed to present no argument and urge no views, but
which, in effect, under the guise of a humorous picture of
public affairs, was in powerful advocacy of peace. The
Satire is generally included in the published works of Swift ;
and, probably, his lively humor and trenchant pen had
something to do with its composition.

In this brochure the War of the Succession is humorously
described as "John Bull's great law suit." The extract
gives a burlesque account of the nature of the proceedings
at Utrecht, the trouble in bringing about a meeting of the
parties engaged in the " Law suit," and the difficulty of in-
ducing the Dutch to speak their sentiments, and to make
the French deliver in their answers. The haughty tone
and pretensions of the House of Austria are also adroitly
ridiculed.

OF SOME EXTRAORDINARY THINGS THAT PASSED AT THE-
SALUTATION TAVERN, IN THE CONFERENCE BETWEEN
BULL, FROG, ESQUIRE SOUTH, AND LEWIS BABOON.

Nic. Frog* had given his word that he would meet the
above mentioned company at the "Salutation," to talk of
this agreement. Though he durst not directly break his
appointment, he made many a shuffling excuse — one time
he pretended to be seized with the gout in his right knee — ■
then he got a great cold, that had struck him deaf of one
ear, afterward, two of his coach-horses fell sick, and he
durst not go by water, for fear of catching an ague. Johnf
would take no excuse, but hurried him away : " Come, Nic,"
says he, " let's go and hear, at least, what this old fellow
' has to propose. I hope there is no hurt in that." " Be it
so," quoth Nic, " but if I catch any harm, woe be to you ;
my wife and children will curse you as long as they live."
When they were come to the " Salutation," John concluded
all was sure, then ; and that he should be troubled no more
with law affairs ; he thought everybody as plain and sin-

* Holland. t England.

268 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

cere as he was. " Well, neighbors," quoth he, " let's now
make an end of all matters, and live peaceably together,
for the time to come : if everybody is as well inclined as I,
we shall quickly come to the upshot of our affair." And
so, pointing to Frog to say something, to the great surprise
of all the company, Frog was seized with the dead palsy in
the tongue. John began to ask him some plain questions,
and whooped and halloed in his ear. " Let's come to the
point, Nic. ! Who wouldest thou have to be Lord Strutt ? *
Wouldest thou have Philip Baboon ? " f Nic. shook his
head and said nothing. " Wilt thou then have Esquire
South:}: to be Lord Strutt?" Nic. shook his head a second
time. " Then who the devil wilt thou have ? — say some-
thing or another." Nic. opened his mouth, and pointed to
his tongue, and cried, " A, a, a, a ! " which was as much as
to say he could not speak. John Bull — " Shall I serve Philip
Baboon with broadcloth, and accept of the composition
that he offers, with the liberty of his parks and fish-ponds ? "
Then Nic. roared like a bull, " O, o, o, o /" John Bull—" If
thou wilt not let me have them, wilt thou take them thy-
self?" Then Nic. grinned, cackled, and laughed, till he was
like to kill himself, and seemed to be so pleased that he fell
a frisking and dancing about the room. John Bull — " Shall
I leave all this matter to thy management, Nic, and go
about my business ? " Then Nic. got up a glass, and drank
to John, shaking him by the hand, till he had like to have
shook his shoulder out of joint. John Bull — " I understand
thee, Nic, but I shall make thee speak, before I go."
Then Nic. put his finger in his cheek, and made it crj'
Buck ! — which was as much as to say, " I care not a far-
thing for thee." John Bull — " I have done, Nic; if thou wilt
not speak, I'll make my own terms with old Lewis § here."
Then Nic. lolled out his tongue, and turned up his back to
him. John, perceiving that Frog could not speak, turns to
old Lewis : — " Since we cannot make this obstinate fellow
speak, Lewis, pray condescend a little to his humor, and

* King of Spain. { The Emperor.

+ Philip of Anjou. § Louis XIV.

EXTRACT FROM ARBUTHNOT'S SA TIRE. 269

set down thy meaning upon paper, that he may answer it
in another scrap."

"lam infinitely sorry," quoth Lewis, "that it happens
so unfortunately: for playing a little at cudgels, t'other
day, a fellow has given me such a rap over the right arm,
that I am quite lame — I have lost the use of my forefinger
and my thumb, so that I cannot hold my pen."

John Bull — " That's all one — let me write for you."

Lewis — " But I have a misfortune, that I cannot read
anybody's hand but my own."

John Bull — " Try what you can do with your left hand."

Lewis — " That's impossible ; it will make such a scrawl,
that it will not be legible."

As they were talking of this matter, in came Esquire
South * all dressed up, in feathers and ribbons — stark, star-
ing mad — brandishing his sword, as if he would have cut
off their heads ; crying, " Room ! — room ! — boys, for the
grand Esquire of the world ! — the floWer of esquires ! —
What ! — covered in my presence ?— I'll crush your souls, and
crack you, like lice ! " With that he had like to have
struck John Bull's hat into the fire; but John, who was
pretty strong fisted, gave him such a squeeze as made his
eyes water. He went on still in his mad pranks : " When
I am lord of the universe, the sun shall prostrate and adore
me ! Thou, Frog, shall be my bailiff — Lewis my tailor —
and thou, John Bull, shalt be my fool ! "

All this while. Frog laughed in his sleeve, gave the Es-
quire t'other noggin of brandy, and clapped him on the
back, which made him ten times madder.

Poor John stood, in amaze, talking thus to himself:
" Well, John, thou art got into rare company ! One has a
dumb devil, t'other a mad devil, and a third a spirit of in-
firmity. An honest man has a fine time on't among such
rogues. What art thou asking of them, after all ? Some
mighty boon, one would think ! — only to sit quietly at thy
own fireside. — 'Sdeath, what have I to do with such fel-
lows ?"

* The Archduke was now become Emperor of Germany, being unani-
mously elected upon the death of Joseph the First.

270 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

" John Bull, after all his losses and crosses, can live better
without them, than they can without him. Would to God
I lived a thousand leagues off them ! — but the devil's in't ;
John Bull is in, and John Bull must get out as well as he
can." As he was talking to himself, he observed Frog and
old Lewis edging toward one another, to whisper ; * so that
John was forced to sit with his arms a-kimbo to keep them
asunder. Some people advised John to blood Frog under
the tongue, or take away his bread and butter ; which
would certainly make him speak; and to give Esquire
South hellebore — as for Lewis, some were for ehiollient
poultices ; others for opening his arm with an incision knife.

. I think I left John Bull sitting between Nic. Frog and
Lewis Baboon, with his arms a-kimbo, in great concern to
keep Lewis and Nic. asunder.-f- As watchful as he was, Nic.
found the means, now and then, to steal a whisper, and by
a cleanly contrivance under the table, to slip a short note
into Lewis' hand ; which Lewis as slyly put into John's
pocket, with a pinch or a jog, to warn him what he was
about.

John had the curiosity to retire into a corner to peruse
these billets doux of Nic.'s ; wherein he found, that Nic. had
used great freedom both with his interest and reputation.
One contained these words:

" Dear Lewis : Thou seest clearly, that this blockhead
can never bring his matters to bear; let me and thee
talk to-night, by ourselves, at the ' Rose,' and I will give
thee satisfaction."

Another was thus expressed : — " Friend Lewis, has thy
sense quite forsaken thee, to make Bull such offers? — Hold
fast — part with nothing — and I will give thee a better bar-
gain, I'll warrant thee."

In some of his billets, he told Lewis, that John Bull was
under his guardianship — that the best part of his servants

* Some attempts at secret negotiations between the French and the
Dutch.

t Some offers of the Dutch at that time, in order to get the negotiations
into their own hands.

EXTRACT FROM ARB UTHNOT'S SA TIRE. ' 2 7 1

were under his command — that he could have John gagged
and bound, whenever he pleased, by the people of his own
family.

In all these epistles, blockhead, dunce, ass, coxcomb,
were the best epithets he gave poor John. In others he
threatened* that he. Esquire South, and the rest of the
tradesmen would lay Lewis down upon his back, and beat
out his breath if he did not retire immediately, and break
up the meeting.

I fancy that I need not tell my readers that John often
changed color as he read ; and that his fingers itched to
give Nic. a good slap on the chops : but he wisely mod-
erated his choleric temper.

" 1 saved this fellow," quoth he, " from the gallows, when
he ran away from his last master,')' because I thought he
was harshly treated ; but the rogue was no longer safe
under my protection, than he began to lie, pilfer and steal,
like the devil. When I first set him up, in a warm house,
he had hardly put up his sign, when he began to debauch
my best customers from me. Then it was his constant
practice to rob my fish ponds ; not only to feed his family
but to trade with the fish mongers : I censured the fellow,
till he began to tell me, that they were his as much as
mine.

" In my manor oiX East Cheap, because it lay at some
distance from my constant inspection, he broke down my
fences, robbed my orchards, and beat my servants. When I
used to reprimand him for his tricks, he would talk saucily,
lie, and brazen it out, as if he had done nothing amiss.
' Will nothing cure thee of thy pranks, Nic. ? ' quoth I.
' I shall be forced, some time or other, to chastise thee.
The rogue got up his cane and threatened me, and was well
thrashed for his pains. But I think his conduct, at this
time, worse than all. After I have almost drowned myself

* Threat that the allies would carry on the war without England.

t The King of Spain, whose yoke the Dutch threw off.

I Complaints against the Dutch, for encroachments in trade, fishery in
the East Indies, etc. The English war with the Dutch, on these ac-
counts.

272 THE HISTORY OF A GHEAT TREATY.

to keep his head above water, he would leave me sticking in
the mud, trusting to his goodness to help me out.

" After I have beggared myself with his troublesome law-
suit — with a pox to him ! — he takes it in mighty dudgeon,
because I have brought him here to end matters amicably ;
and because I wont let him make me over, by deed and in-
denture, as his lawful cully ; which to my certain knowledge
he has attempted several times. But, after all, canst thou
gather grapes from thorns? Nic. does not pretend to be a
gentleman — he is a tradesman, a self-seeking wretch — but
how earnest thou to bear all this, John ? — The reason is
plain ; thou conferrest the benefits, and he receives them ;
the first produces love, and the last ingratitude. Ah ! Nic,
Nic, thou art a damned dog ! — that's certain, — thou knowest
too well that I will take care of thee ; else thou wouldst
not use me thus. I wont give fhee up, it is true ; but as
true as it is, thou shalt not sell me, according to thy laud-
able custom."

While John was deep in this soliloquy, Nic. broke out
into the following protestation :

" Gentlemen : I believe everybody here present will allow
me to be a very just and disinterested person. My
friend John Bull here, is very angry with me, forsooth —
because I wont agree to his foolish bargains. Now I de-
clare to all mankind, I should be ready to sacrifice my own
concerns to his quiet, but the care of his interest, and that
of the honest tradesmen * that are embarked with us, keeps
me from entering into this composition. What shall be-
come of those poor creatures? The thought of their im-
pending ruin disturbs my night's rest ; therefore I desire
they may speak for themselves. If they are willing to
give up this affair, I shan't make two words of it."

John Bull begged him to lay aside that immoderate con-
cern for him; and withal, put him in mind, that the inter,
est of those tradesmen had not sat quite so heavy upon
him, some years ago, on a like occasion. _Nic. answered
little to that, but immediately pulled out a boatswain's
whistle. Upon the first whiff, the tradesmen cam^; jumping

* The Allies.

EXTliACT FROM ARBUTBNOT'S SATIRE z^T,

into the room, and began to surround Lewis, like so many-
yelping curs about a great boar ; or, to use a modester sim-
ile, like duns at a great lord's levde, the morning he goes
into the country. One pulled him by his sleeve, another
by the skirt, a third halloed in his ear ; they began to ask
him for all that had been taken from their forefathers by
stealth, "fraud, force, or lawful purchase — some asked for
manors, others for acres, that lay convenient for them —
that he would pull down his fences, level his ditches — all
agreed in one common demand, that he should be purged,
sweated, vomited, and starved till he came to a sizeable
bulk, like that of his neighbors. One modestly asked him
leave to call him "brother;" Nic. Frog demanded two
things, to be his porter and his iishmonger, to keep the
keys of his gates, and furnish the kitchen. John's sister
Peg* only desired that he would let his servants sing
psalms a Sundays. Some descended even to the asking
of old clothes, shoes and boots, broken bottles, tobacco-
pipes and ends of candles.

"Monsieur Bull," quoth Lewis, "you seem to be a man
of some breeding ; — for God's sake, use your interest with
these Messieurs, that they would speak, but one at once —
for if one had a hundred pair of hands, and as many
tongues, he cannot satisfy them all, at this rate." John
begged they might proceed with some method : then they
stopped all of a sudden, and would not say a word. " If
this be your play," quoth John, " that we may not be like a
quaker's dumb meeting, let us begin some diversion ; what
d'ye think of roily poly, or a country dance ? What if we
should have a match at foot-ball ? I am sure we shall never
end matters, at this rate."

At about the beginning of the ensuing year, (1713,) the
sentence of Sacheverell, the Tory pulpit advocate, who had
been interdicted from preaching for three years, expired.
The Doctor, with characteristic regard for his personal no-
toriety, celebrated the event of the release of his tongue

* The Protestants.
18

274 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

from its enforced silence, by preaching a sermon, with the
modest text, as applicable to himself, of " Father, forgive
them, for they know not what they do " ! — He received
for his vocal martyrdom, a fat Westminster "living."
Swift, the other political divine, was, also, for his perform-
ances, as general slanderer of persons and parties, promoted
to the Deanery of St. Patrick's, although he had fixed his
ambition on a Bishopric. Queen Anne and her Ministers,
however, thought it would be going too far, to make him a
successor of the apostles.

In allusion to Swift's elevation to his Deanery, another
witty Irish Dean of the period * gave vent to the following
epigram :

" This place he got, by wit and rhyme.
And many ways most odd ;
And might a Bishop be, in timer-
Did he believe in God ! "

* The Dean of Clogher.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

Continued Negotiations during the Summer and Autumn of 171 2. — The
French Plenipotentiaries become Exacting. — Arrogant Speech by
them to the Dutch Envoys. — St. John's Private Negotiations vifith
De Torcy. — He is created Viscount Bolingbroke. — His Secret Mis-
sion to France. — Bolingbroke's Despatches to Prior. — Pretensions of
France. — Intrigues of the Dutch. — New Delays by France. — Further
Despatches to Prior. — Ultimata of England. — Perplexity of the Plen-
ipotentiaries. — The Treaties finally Signed.

In the mean while, St. John kept up his private negotia-
tions with the Court of France. On June 7, after the first
armistice had been agreed on, he wrote to De Torcy, the
French Minister, expressing his confidence in the good
faith of the French King, but telling him that it -was nec-
essary to hasten the peace ; and that " it would frighten the
Dutch into it, to be told that the Queen would no longer
act against France ; and that, if they (the Dutch) do not
hasten to make their agreement they will have a burden
upon their backs greater than they can bear."

The success of the French at Denain, the raising of the
siege of Landresies, the taking of Bouchain, Marchiennes,
Douay and Quesnoy, and several minor successes, in taking
stores of war, gave such new morale to the French that they
raised their ideas to such an extent, that the Dutch Pleni-
potentiaries threatened to retire and break off negotia-
tions ; and so signified their intentions to the French diplo-
matic agents : but, relying upon English support, the
Frenchmen derided the threat, and the astute Abb6 Pol-
ignac abruptly replied : " Gentlemen, you must change your
style — according to circumstances. We will not leave
here — and we will make a treaty — in your own country —
about you — and without you." In the terse French words
the rejoinder was, " Messieurs, Les circonstances sont chang^es

27s

276 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

— Ilfaut changer de ton : Nous traiterons chez vous — de vous
— et sans vous." *

As to affairs in England, Parliament had been dissolved,
in July, 1712, and the Queen had created St. John, Vis-
count Bolingbroke.

Even after the brilliant successes of Villars, in the Cam-
paign of 1712, the Dutch and the other continental allies
still continued firm in their opposition to peace, unless it
were dictated to France, sword in hand. The decease of
the Dauphins had much embarrassed and delayed action,
at Utrecht; and the victory at Denain and the subsequent
successes of the French had also placed matters in such an
aspect, that the French were encouraged to promote further
delays, in order to make more advantageous terms for
France. To settle these and other matters, Bolingbroke,
proceeded secretly to the Court of France, in company
with the skilful negotiators, Gaultier and Prior. Boling-
broke's instructions were of such a character that he had
authority to conclude a separate peace between England
France, Spain, and Savoy ; and he, consequently, arranged
terms with reference to those countries, with little regard
to the claims of the other allied States. On Bolingbroke
leaving France, so pleased was Louis with his efforts, that
he presented him with a very valuable diamond ring — a
dangerous gift under the circumstances. Bolingbroke de-
parted on the 28th of August (N. S.), leaying Prior to close
details. These related to the forms of the renunciations, and
to regulations to prevent the union of the two Crowns, and
also to several provisions for the Treaty of Commerce. These
private negotiations of Bolingbroke with De Torcy and the
Court of France were, subsequently, matters of grave
charge against the former. He was, in after years, and

* In a letter, written by the Abb6 Polignac to M. de Torcy, after the
battle of Denain, he thus expressed himself with respect to the attitude
taken by the French Plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, under the new aspect
of affairs :

" Le Compte Zinzendorf sent vivement sa decadence. Nous prenons,
k Utrecht, la figure que les HoUandais avaient k Gertruydenberg, et ils
prennent la notre ; c'est une revanche bien complette."

CONTINUANCE OF NEGOTIATIONS AT UTRECHT. 277

with much plausibility, accused of having carried on a pri-
vate treaty with France, with having betrayed the interests
of the Allies, and with having communicated the secrets of
the Council Chamber to the French Ministers, to the ad-
vantage of France. It was charged also that he had advo-
cated the continuance of the Duke of Anjou on the Span-
ish throne. He was further accused of favoring the return
of the Stuarts ; to which last accusation his subsequent
conduct in France gave strong support.

On the 9th August, 1712, the second and general armis-
tice for the cessation of all hostilities was signed, at Paris,
between France, Spain and England, extending from the
22d of August to the 22d of December. This provided
also that the English troops should be withdrawn from
Spain, and that the Spaniards should immediately cause
the blockade of Gibraltar to be raised. Armistices were
also at subsequent times, declared, and, from time to time,
continued, for the suspension of arms, by Portugal and
Savoy. Bolingbroke's letter to Prior, of September, 1712,
indicates that the Conferences at Utrecht were quite subor-
dinate to his outside negotiations. " Let the Conferences,'
he writes, " begin as soon as they can. I dare say business
will not be very speedily despatched in them. In the mean
time, we shall go on to ripen everything for a conclusion
between Holland and Savoy, France and Spain — and this
is the true point of view which the French ought to have
before their eyes." In the autumn of 1712, Bolingbroke
also thus wrote to Prior: "You will be, very shortly, par-
ticularly and fully instructed to settle the articles of North
America, and those points of Commerce still undetermined.
That done, the Ministers may sign at Utrecht, as soon as
they can hear from Lord Lexington."

The above despatches show that the Ministers at Utrecht
stood very much in the light of puppets, and that they
were allowed merely to put in shape what might be de-
termined, elsewhere. In another part of the letter, Boling-
broke writes, " For God's sake, dear Matt, hide the naked-
ness of thy country, and give the best turn thy fertile brain
will furnish thee with, to the blunders of thy countrymen,

278 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

who are not much better Politicians than the French are
poets."

Meanwhile, affairs at Utrecht were fluctuating; some-
times councils of peace prevailed, and all troubles seemed
to roll up from the field of European politics — when, sud-
denly, some unexpected cloud would appear, and obscure
the bright vision still hovering in the skies. Finally, tow-
ards the close of the year, there seemed an earnest desire
on the part of most of the Plenipotentiaries to conclude
the session and establish the Peace. They were wearied
with the long and stormy deliberations and harassed by
instructions and counter-instructions from their respective
courts. Apprehensive lest some new event might change
the aspect of affairs and overturn what had been so far
accomplished, the lesser powers anxiously waited to follow
the lead of the great States, until whose action nothing
could be determined.

France by her alliance with England, and her recent suc-
cesses'in the field, had an increased diplomatic strength and
influence in the conferences ; and. she was disposed still to
dictate, with some arrogance, what sh^ had never before
ventured to advocate. The experienced diplomatists who
superintended the French interests at Paris, well knew that
they had a strong hold on the English Ministers, who had
their tenure of office only on the basis of their concluding a
peace ; any failure so to do, and that speedily, would have
precipitated them, at once, from power. The Frenchmen
took advantage of this, and to further their ends, en-
deavored to compel the English ministry to make the peace
on the basis of ever increasing demands and exactions.
France, now, was in a very much more prosperous con-
dition than at the time of the negotiations at Gertruyden-
berg. Her army was invigorated and again had the prestige
of success ; her people were richer, and her statesmen conse-
quently became again aggressive. She had, during the last
year, according to the old poHcy, pushed forward her
troops and increased her territories, and seemed still in-
clined to a Fabian policy, as regards negotiation for peace,
with a view to gaining, by delay, more advantageous terms.

ARROGANCE OF THE FRENCH AMBASSADORS. 279

She now had control in the negotiation, and her old arro-
gance returned. This had been specially manifested in the
position taken by her, in the settlement of the singular
quarrel at Utrecht, before referred to : but the Dutch still
remained obstinate, and persisted in their opposition to
peace, on the terms advocated by England.

The French now insisted on the restitution of Tournay
as well as Lisle, which the British plenipotentiaries were
not inclined to allow: and the Dutch stoutly held out,
claiming Tournay as essential to their barrier, and urging
that the Queen, in her speech, had stated that it was to be
retained for them. The French still insisted, however, in
their opposition ; and the English Ministers avoided the
dilemma, in a sneaking way, by deserting the Dutch, and
saying that they would leave the question to be settled
between them and the French. But the Dutch were so
violent and determined, that they at last succeeded in
maintaining Tournay as part of their barrier, but it was
only upon increased concessions made to France, in other
regards. The British Ministers now endeavored to influ-
ence the King of Prussia and the Elector of Hanover to
take sides with them, in making the peace as proposed :
but both of the above Princes flatly refused to desert the
Dutch and the Emperor.

In October, 1712, the Dutch began to propound their
own schemes for a Treaty, relating mainly to their barrier
and the proposed commercial tariff with France and Spain :
the desertion from the alliance of the Duke of Savoy and
the King of Portugal having precipitated their ideas tow-
ards peace. In the mean while, November 5th (N. S.),
Philip had signed and sworn to his renunciation, which was
formally enacted into a law by the Cortes. On the 20th
of November, the Earl of Strafford was sent to the Hague,
with a new plan of peace based upon the French demands,
with instructions, that unless the Dutch were willing to
sign the Treaties in conjunction with England, immedi-
ately and without delay, the Queen would sign with
France, without waiting longer than three weeks for the
assent of the Dutch. If the Dutch did not sign, it wag

28o THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

declared that England would no longer assist them in the
retention of Tournay. Finally, at the end of Dec, 1712,
the States General announced their willingness to give
their consent to the Queen's plan, and yielded all their pre-
tensions to various suggested changes, particularly for the
restoring of Strasburg to the Empire, and for adding
Cond6 to their bai'rier, which France had absolutely refused
to allow.

The French now, everything being apparently settled,
began to try to elude their engagements with England and
to insist on other terms. " They act neither fairly nor
wisely," wrote Bolingbroke to Prior, who was still in
France. " They pray us," he writes, " to conclude, so that
they may have others at their mercy ; and, at the same
time, they chicane with us, concerning the most essential
article of our treaty, and endeavor to elude an agreement
made, repeated, and confirmed." By reason of the new
delays the cessation of arms had to be again continued for
another four months.

The fishery question and some provisions relating to
commerce were now the principal causes of delay, and to
overcome this, the British ministers sent over a substitute
for certain articles in the proposed Treaty of Commerce, to
which the astute De Torcy, seeing it was for the advantage
of France, immediately assented. This substitution was
article 9 of the treaty of commerce ; and was supposed to
be a sop thrown in by Oxford and Bolingbroke to induce
the French to close the matter. By this substitution, the
English ministry gave up certain important points of dis-
pute as to North America and the fishery of Newfound-
land. These substitutions in the Treaty of Commerce, Par-
liament, and a Whig administration, afterwards, indignantly
refused to carry into operation.

The British . Ministry were still much disturbed by the
delay yet interposed, and the double dealing of France.
On January 19, 1713, Bolingbroke thus wrote to Prior —
" I have exhausted all my stock of arguments in the long
letter, which, by the Queen's order, I write to the Duke of
Shrewsbury. To you I can only add, we stand on the

BOLINGBROKE'S LETTER TO PRIOR. 281

brink of a precipice — but the French stand there too.
Pray, tell M. de Torcy, from me, that he may get Robin
and Harry * hanged ; but affairs will soon run back into so
much confusion, that he will wish us alive again. To speak
seriously, unless the Queen can talk of her interests as
determined with France, and unless your court will keep
our allies in the wrong, as they are sufficiently at this time,
I foresee inextricable difficulties. My scheme is this : Let
France fairly satisfy the Queen — and let the Queen imme-
diately declare to Parliament that she is ready to sign ;
and, at the same time, let the French Plenipotentiaries
show a disposition to treat with all the Allies."

The letter then enumerates the several offers France
should make the Allies, and continues, " If such overtures
as these made to the allies were not instantly accepted, our
separate Peace would, the Parliament sitting, be addressed
for and approved — and the cause of France, for once,
become popular in Britain. If they were accepted, let
M. de Torcy consider what a bargain would be made for
France. Let him remember his journey to the Hague, and
compare the plans of lyog and 1712! M. de Torcy has a
confidence in you — make use of it, once for all, upon this
occasion — and convince him, thoroughly, that we must
give a different turn to our Parliament and our People,
according to their resolution, at this crisis."

In January, 1 71 3, also, Bolingbroke, learning that the
Dutch were still intriguing for a separate treaty with
France, thus emphatically wrote to Prior : " We are now
at the true crisis of our disease — we die at once or recover
at once. Let France depart from that shameful expedient
by which they thought to bubble us out of the advantages
which they had solemnly yielded, and all is well — other-
wise, by G-d, both they and we are undone. The Queen
can neither delay the meeting of the Parliament longer
than the 3d, nor speak to the Houses till we hear from
you. — Make the French ashamed of their sneaking chicane.
— By Heaven, they treat like Pedlars, or which is worse,
like Attorneys."

* Oxford and Bolingbroke.

282 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Bolingbroke, in February thereafter, also sent a peremp-
tory despatch to the Duke of Shrewsbury, then on a spe-
cial mission to Paris, to the effect that if there were any
more delays he would put a stop to all negotiations. Fi-
nally, irritated and disturbed, apprehensive of the issue of
a new campaign, and determined to play a strong card, the
English Ministry sent their ultimata to Paris, on every
proposition in dispute ; this gave such stimulus to the
French Court, apprehensive, in their turn, of a rupture of
negotiations, that they became more moderate in their
views, and more desirous to settle the terms of pacification.
At length, the Duke of Shrewsbury, having written to the
English ministry that France had given its adhesion to the
last article in dispute, relative to the American fisheries,
the English Plenipotentiaries, at Utrecht, were instructed
to conclude the Treaties of Peace and Commerce with
France, without any further delay. The French, however,
were still so arrogant in their pretensions and varying in
their demands, that, even although the British Plenipoten-
tiaries at Utrecht were positively instructed to make and
sign the peace, they hesitated so to do, alleging that their
powers were not sufiSciently explicit, as to making a sepa-
rate peace; and wrote to Bolingbroke in April, 171 3,
asserting "that the behavior of the French was so different
than what had been promised, that they were mightily
perplexed, and that they could say a great deal to justify
their cautious proceedings with the French, and were satis-
fied that he would be of the same opinion, if he could see
their way of negotiating with the allies." A new com-
mission was thereupon sent, with orders both from the
Lord Treasurer and Bolingbroke, that the final Treaty
should be made at once.

The English Plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, thereupon,
issued a manifesto to those of the other great Powers at
the Congress, notifying them that they intended to con-
clude their treaties with France, immediately ; and recom-
mended the other Plenipotentiaries to close their treaties
with that country, without further delay. A main consid-
eration for this urgency on the part of the British Minis-

CONCLUSION OF THE TREATY OF UTRECHT. 283

ters was the fact that the health of Queen Anne was failing,
and her demise at any time was not improbable : that
event would have placed the house of Hanover and the
Whigs in control of the State ; and would have disturbed,
and possibly have prevented, all further negotiations for
Peace. The future King of England was no friend of
France : he had strong sympathies with the Whigs, and
suspected the Tories of Jacobite proclivities and intrigues
to exclude him from the throne. He sympathized also
with Marlborough, in his disgrace, and longed to be in Eng-
land to chastise the party leaders who were instrumental in
furthering a peace on a basis which caused the desertion of
her allies, by England, and which, under its then conditions,
he deemed disgraceful to that country.

The conclusion was now precipitated. The Treaties —
everything having been agreed on — were hurriedly put in
shape, and all feared some new contretemps, which might
create further embarrassment.

The complicated negotiations connected with the Span-
ish succession, and the settlement of the terms of Peace,
after the great war of ten years' duration, were now finally
brought to a close, and the determinations of the contract-
ing parties formulated into the Treaty or set of Treaties
commonly known as the '^Treaty of Utrecht," were made
the subject of solemn compact. The Treaty between Eng-
land and France, and that of France with Savoy were
signed at the house of the Bishop of Bristol ; and the
others at the house of the Earl of Strafford ; where, we are
told, that some dispute having arisen, as to the substitution
of certain phrases, the matter was settled between the Eng-
lish and French Plenipotentiaries by the throwing of dice! —
so indisposed were they to further verbal debate. It was
observed that some of the representatives of the States
General signed with reluctant and somewhat trembling
hands.

CHAPTER XXIX.

Digest of the Text of the Various Treaties.— Treaty with England. — Hol-
land. — Portugal. — Prussia. — Savoy, and other States at Utrecht. —
Subsequent Treaties between England and Spain ; Germany and
France. — The Barrier Treaty. — Holland and the Emperor. — Spain
and Portugal. — Memorial of the Protestants.

TREATY WITH ENGLAND.

The main great Treaty was that of the 31st of March,
or, according to the new style, nth April, 1713, between
France and England.

The text of this important compact thus begins :

" Whereas, it has pleased Almighty God, for the glory
of his name and for the Universal Welfare, so to direct the
minds of Kings, for the healing, now in his own time, the
miseries of the wasted world, that, they are disposed tow-
ards one another with a mutual desire of making Peace —
Be it therefore known, to all and singular whom it may
concern, that, under the divine guidance, the Most Serene
and the Most Potent, Lady Anne, by the grace of God,
Queen of Great Britain, France and Ireland, and the Most
Serene and Most Potent Prince and Lord, Louis XIV., by
the Grace of God, the most Christian King, consulting as
well, the advantages of their subjects, as providing (as well
as mortals are able to do), for the perpetual tranquillity of
the whole Christian World, have resolved, at last, to put
an end to the war which was unhappily kindled, and has
been obstinately carried on above these ten years — being
both cruel and destructive, by reason of the frequency of
battles and the effusion of Christian blood^and have ap-
pointed," etc. — (Here follow the names of the Plenipoten-
tiaries, with all their resounding titles.)

The Treaty then declares that the said Plenipotentiaries
have been furnished " with full and ample power to Treat,
agree of, and conclude, a firm and lasting Peace between

284

TERMS OF TREATY WITH ENGLAND. 285

their Royal Majesties Wherefore, the aforesaid Am-
bassadors, after divers and important consultations, had in
the Congress held at Utrecht, for that purpose, having, at
length, overcome, without the intervention of any mediator,
all the obstacles which hindered the end of so wholesome
a design ; and having invoked the Divine Assistance, that
God will be pleased to preserve this their work entire and
unviolated, and to prolong it, to the last Posterity ; after
having mutually communicated and duly exchanged their
full Powers, have agreed on the reciprocal conditions
of Peace and Friendship, between their above mentioned
Majesties and their people, and subjects, as follows : "

Then follows the main text of the Treaty.

After provisions reciting that " an Universal and Perpet-
ual Peace and a true and Sincere Friendship " are estab-
lished between the King and Queen and their respective
subjects ; and that all enmities, discords, hostilities and
Wars are to cease between them ; and that oflences, inju-
ries, harms and Damages which have been suffered by
either country shall be buried in oblivion, the Treaty asserts
" the Right and order of the Hereditary succession to the
Crown of Great Britain and the limitations thereof by the
laws of Great Britain," in expansive terms of recognition;
and the clause finishes in these words of rejection of the
claims of the Stuarts ; "and for adding more ample credit
to the said acknowledgment and promises, the Most Chris-
tian King does engage that, whereas, the person who, in the
lifetime of the late King, James II., did take upon him the
title of Prince of Wales, and, since the decease of the King,
that of King of Great Britain, is lately gone, of his own
accord, out of the Kingdom of France, to reside in some
other place. He, the aforesaid Most Christian King, His
heirs and Successors, will take all possible care that he
shall not at any time hereafter, nor under any pretence
whatsoever, return into the Kingdom of France, or any of
the Dominions thereof."

The Treaty then provides for the freedom of navigation
between the two countries, according to the Treaty of
Commerce also made of the same date. It is further

286 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

provided, on the part of France, that Dunkirk should be
razed, the harbor filled up, and the dykes broken ; and
that there should be restored and delivered to Great
Britain " the Bay and Straits of Hudson, together with all
the adjacent land, seas and places ; likewise the Island of
St. Christopher; also Nova Scotia or ' Acadie ;' also the
City of Port Royal,* and the Island of Newfoundland ; and
the French were not to iish within fixed limits from the
coast of Newfoundland and Nova Scotia."

It was further agreed, that the French " were no longer
to molest the Five Nations or Cantons of Indians, subject to
the Dominion of Great Britain, nor the other natives of
America, who are friends to the same."

After reciting the renunciations of all right to the crown
of France, by Philip, and to the crown of Spain, by the
King's grandson, the Duke of Berry, and by the King's
nephew, the Duke of Orleans, and the endorsement thereof
by Louis, by Letters Patent, it is provided in the Treaty, j
" That at no time whatever, either the Catholic King himself, '
or any one of his lineage, shall seek to obtain the Crown of
France, or ascend the throne thereof ; and by reciprocal
renunciations, on the part of France, and by settlements of
the hereditary succession there, tending to the same pur-
pose, the Crowns of France and Spain are so separated and
divided from each other, that the aforesaid renunciations and
the other transactions relating thereto, remaining in force,
and being truly and faithfully observed, they never ca?i be
joined in one."

* This town now bears the name of Annapolis, and is about 95 miles
west of Halifax, in Nova Scotia. It has a capacious harbor, through a
narrow and difficult strait. The first European settlement on this
part of the Coast was made by De Monts, in 1604. Under the name of
Port Royal, Annapolis was the Capital of the French Colony of Acadia.
The settlement of the French was several times obstructed by the Eng-
lish, who claimed Nova Scotia, by right of original discovery ; that name
was given to the region in a Patent from James I. The Patentees,
however, finding the place full of foreign adventurers, abandoned it.
Cromwell subdued the foreign settlers, in 1654 ; but England finally
ceded the region to France, by the treaty of Breda, in 1667.

TERMS OF TREATY WITH ENGLAND. 287

There are otjier special provisions in the Treaty, but the
above are the most substantial and important.

It is signed by the Bishop of Bristol and the Earl of
Strafford, on the part of England, and by D'Huxelles and
Menager on the part of France, on the 31st of March and
nth April, 1713.

These signatures were made under special commission
from the two respective courts, and the above Ministers
were constituted ambassadors extraordinary and plenipo-
tentiaries for the special purpose of signing the treaty.

A Treaty of Navigation and commerce was also signed
on the same day. This Treaty was very voluminous and
special in its details, containing forty-one articles with
others subsequently added. By it, free or neutral ships
are to make free goods, except in case of goods contraband
of war ; and, in case of war by either party, the ships of
the other are to carry Passports or Sea letters.

The above Treaties were immediately ratified respect-
ively by Queen Anne and Louis ; and their own signa-
tures and seals were appended.

The important harbor and fortress of Dunkirk which, by
the above treaty, was to be demolished, as a concession to
England, had been wrested from France, by Cromwell ;
and had been basely sold by Charles II. of England to
Louis, in 1662, for the consideration of four hundred thou-
sand pounds. The itnportance of the place was then under-
estimated — or else, as Charles' treasury was empty, Parlia-
ment indisposed to be liberal, and the place required
£ip,ooo a year for its maintenance — or perhaps particu-
larly, as the English King's desire for money absorbed all
other considerations, this great harbor and fortress was
passed over to the French. This sale excited much indig-
nation in England, who then looked, with alarm, upon the
growing power of France ; — it was one of the most un-
popular acts of an unpopular reign. The possession of
Dunkirk was a memorial of England's former military
prowess ; and its possession, like that of Calais, in former
days,, was a defiance to France and Spain, and, as such,
most grateful to the English national and patriotic feeling.

288 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

On acquiring possession of Dunkirk, Louis, with an army
of thirty thousand laborers, had constructed fortifications
by land and sea, making the place almost impregnable,
and erected docks and basins in which fleets of merchant-
men might take refuge, and navies ride ; and in which,
before long, privateers were fitted out that devastated Eng-
lish and Dutch commerce. It was, therefore, a place most
useful to the French in time of war; and particularly so,
as it was the only port, east of Brest, along the French
coast, from which large expeditions could be made for an
attack on England. Its existence, in its fortified cbndition,
was a continual menace to that country ; and its destruction
would remove from France facilities for attack which were
always a source of apprehension both to England and
Holland.

The consent now given, by Louis, that this important
place should be razed, was yielded with great reluctance ;
but its occupation by the English forces, in 171 2, under
bargain with the Tory ministry, was a sine qua non, by
which, alone, the English granted a cessation of arms as is
above related, and withdrew Ormond's troops. These were
fatal blows to the allies ; and put Louis in a condition
almost to dictate peace to the Dutch and Germans. Such
an advantage was well worth the destruction of Dunkirk —
humiliating as it was.

An expedition, in favor of the Pretender, had been pre-
pared at Dunkirk, during the recent war, and all the
ships and armament for attack on England gathered there.
He set sail from Dunkirk in the Spring of 1708, but the
expedition proved a failure.*

Nova Scotia, or Acadia, as it was called by the French,
was among the Provinces surrendered by the terms of the
above Treaty: the inhabitants were all of French descent,
and although mildly governed by the English after formal

*By article 17 of the Treaty between France and Great Britain, signed
at Versailles in Sept., 1783, all articles in anterior treaties, relative to
Dunkirk, commencing from that of Utrecht inclusively, were abro-
gated ; and the English commissioners who had resided in that place, to
prevent any extension of the fortifications, were withdrawn.

TREA TY WITH HOLLAND 289

possession was taken in 171 5, for forty years refused to
take the oath of allegiance to the King of Great Britain ;
and being considered rather turbulent subjects, suspected of
collusion with the French and Indians to restore the prov-
ince to France, were forcibly and violently removed by the
English, in 1755. More than six thousand of them were
taken from the Province and scattered, stripped of their pos-
sessions, and almost in a state of starvation, among various
American Colonies. Many of them fled to Canada and to
the banks of the St. Johns. Many went to Louisiana,
where their descendants continue to form a distinct popu-
lation even at this day, and are still known by their former
appellation, or, as abbreviated, " Cadians." The historian
Bancroft strongly denounces the treatment that these peo-
ple received at the hands of the English — torn as they were
from their homes — separated from each other — and placed
among those who were strangers in language, in race and
in religion. " I know not," he writes, " if the annals of the
human race keep the record of sorrows so wantonly in-
flicted, so bitter and so lasting, as fell upon the French in-
habitants of Acadia ! "

Edmund Burke thus records his views of this outrage :
"We did, in my opinion, most inhumanly, and upon pre-
tences, that, in the eye of an honest man, are not worth a
farthing, root out this poor, innocent, deserving people,
whom our utter inability to govern or to reconcile gave us
no sort of right to extirpate."

TREATY WITH HOLLAND,

The treaty between Holland and France also bears date,
April II.

After providing for a good, firm, faithful and inviolable
peace, and general Oblivion and Amnesty, special provisions
follow, in great number. The most important is that re-
lating to the proposed barrier of the Spanish Netherlands,
which are to be ceded to Holland for the House of Austria ;
the King of Prussia to retain his possessions therein, as
theretofore, and as provided by the treaty with him, as also
19

ago THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

the Princess d'Ursini, her principality; (which was not,
however, given her). In this cession of the Spanish Neth-
erlands were included the Duchy, town, and fortress of Lux-
embourg, as also the provinces, strong towns and places of
Charleroi, Nieuport, Chiny and Namur. All former rights
of the Elector of Bavaria over the region as theretofore
transferred to him, by Spain, the said Elector is to yield,
and he is to transfer his right to the House of Austria, so
soon as the Elector is put in possession of his own territo-
ries, that he was possessed of in the Empire before the
War, except the upper Palatinate ; and he is to be estab-
lished in his right and rank as 9th Elector, and is to be put
in possession of the island of Sardinia* and receive the
title of King thereof. The towns of Menin, Tournay, and
the Tournaisis, are to be transferred to the States General,
in behalf of the House of Austria ; as also Ypres, Loo,
Furnes, Knocque, Dixminden, and other strong places. In
return. Lisle, Orchies, Laleu, Aire, Bethune, St. Amant,
Montagne, St. Venant and other places are to be delivered
over to France.

After reciting the various renunciations, as to the crowns
of France and Spain above referred to, the union of the
crozvns of France and Spain in one person, is provided
against in the strongest terms.

A separate treaty of Commerce and Navigation be-
tween Holland and France, was also made, to continue for
twenty-five years, in which was the important provision
that all enemies' goods are to be protected by a neutral
flag.

TREATY WITH PORTUGAL.

On the same day as the treaty with England, the treaty
between Louis of France and John V., King of Portugal,
was signed.

The most important provisions of this treaty, after the
general ones for closing the war, and exchanging prisoners,
were for the regulation of commerce and navigation be-

* But by the treaty of Baden {post), Sardinia is given to the Emperor.

THE TREATY WITH PRUSSIA AND WITH SAVOY. 291

tween the two countries, including the renunciation, by-
France, of all right to navigate or use the Amazon, and to
any of the other dbmains of the Portuguese, in America.

THE TREATY WITH PRUSSIA.

This treaty was also signed April 11, 1713, and spe-
cially ratified, afterwards, by the Kings of France, Prussia
and Spain : it provides for a good and sincere Peace, never
to be altered, in any manner. The upper quarter of Span-
ish Guelderland, and the countries of Kesel and Krieck-
enback are to be yielded and acknowledged to belong to
Prussia ; the Roman Catholic religion to be retained there,
in such parts where it exists. The King of Prussia, also,
is acknowledged as sovereign of Neuchatel and Vallengin.
The King of Prussia, in return, renounces to Louis all right
to the estates of the Principality of Orange, situate in
France or Burgundy— and is to indemnify the heirs of the
Prince of Nassau therefor. The King of Prussia is also
recognized as King, with right to the title of Majesty, and
is to assume the right to name the part of Gueldres ceded
to him, as the principality of Orange.

TREATY WITH SAVOY.

This Treaty also bears the same date as the foregoing —
April II, 1713.

After the declaration, that a firm and inviolable Peace
was to be made between Savoy and France, it is declared,
that all the territories of the Duke of Savoy, including
Nice, are to be restored to him, and the strong places and
forts therein, with all their warlike stores. Various valleys
and places are also designated as included, and the top of
the Alps is to form the boundary between Piedmont and
France. Sicily* is also given to Savoy, through consent of
the Spanish crown ; and the Duke is recognized as King
of Sicily. The Spanish crown is also to fall to the Duke,
and his successors, on failure of the descendants of Philip

* Subsequently exchanged for Sardinia.

292 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

pursuant to the act of the King and Cortes of November,
1712.

Various other provisions are contained, treating of mat-
ters arising out of the war, and certain commercial relations
are established. A great many Protests, Memorials, and
complaints were also passed upon by the Congress, that
were put in, in behalf of various titled claimants to the va-
rious principalities, dignities and territories, which are not
now of general interest.

TREATIES FOLLOWING THOSE MADE AT UTRECHT IN
APRIL, 171 3.

It is in curious contrast with the great treaty made in
the cause of humanity and peace with Great Britain, that,
on the 1st of May, 1713, a compact was made between the
English and Spanish Governments to the effect that an
English company, under the patronage of Queen Anne, was
to have a monopoly to supply the Spanish West Indies with
negro slaves, for the space of thirty years, to the extent of
144,000 negroes, at the rate of 4800 yearly ! This extraor-
dinary contract was afterwards ratified by a formal treaty
between the two Powers.

TREATY WITH SPAIN.

As the King of Spain was not directly represented at the
regular sessions at Utrecht, a treaty was subsequently made
between Great Britain and Spain, which was concluded on
July 13, 1713.

This treaty provides that there should be a Christian and
Universal Peace between the two countries, and recites the
renunciation by the King of Spain, of all right to the
French throne ; " in such manner that the two crozvns can
never be united; " and it further acknowledges the Queen
and her successors as sovereigns of Great Britain, according
to the laws of succession established there, and Spain is to
oppose all other persons claiming the succession. The
Treaty thereupon provides that there shall be free use of

TREA TY BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 293

navigation between the two countries, as it existed prior to
the war.

There is also the provision that the Catholic King shall
thereby, for himself, his heirs and successors, yield to the
Crown of Great Britain the full and entire property, " of
the town and castle of Gibraltar, to be held and enjoyed
absolutely, with all manner of. right, forever, without any
exception or impediment whatsoever."

The island of Minorca was also yielded to Great Britaih ;
and it was further provided that the King of Spain should
not part with or alienate any of the dominions, wherever
situate, belonging to that Kingdom.

TREATY BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE.

The Emperor, who had been the head and front of the
alliance, and whose interests were mainly involved in the
war, was, after the signature of the treaties at Utrecht, left
alone — the grand alliance being practically dissolved.

The French King had sent proposals of peace to the Em-
peror, bearing date nth April, 17 1 3, to be accepted before
the first of June then next. The terms were numerous :
the principal ones being that the Rhine should be the bar-
rier between the two countries ; and that the Duchy of Mi-
lan and the Kingdom of Naples should belong to the house
of Austria ; as also the Spanish Netherlands ; and that all
of their dominions should be restored to the Electors of Co-
logne and Bavaria ; the latter Prince was also to receive the
Kingdom of Sardinia. The Bourbon King, Philip, was, of
course, to be retained on the Spanish throne. But the
proud House of Austria could not bring itself to yield its
pretensions to the Spanish crown : the Emperor still kept
his armies afoot, under the leadership of Prince Eugene,
who still was violently opposed to all peace with France,
unless he could secure, for Austria, the entire Spanish Do-
minion ; or, at any rate, the crown of Spain.

After the conclusion of the principal negotiations, at
Utrecht, the Elector of Mayence called a meeting of the
Circles of the Empire, to deliberate on the conditions of

294 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

peace proposed by France. At this conference, the Em-
peror's agent, Count Sinzendorff, endeavored to influence
the representatives of the Circles in favor of the continu-
ance of the war; and the Imperial Court issued a decree
calling for further hostilities : it was sent to a Diet of the
Empire, held at Ratisbonne, which determined on the fol-
lowing resolution : —

" That the propositions made by France were so exacting
th^t their acceptance would tarnish the glory of the German
nation, and destroy its constitution — thus that they cannot
be accepted." " That after the unexpected separation of
the allies, nothing remained but to imitate the noble cour-
age of the Emperor, so as to preserve the liberty that the
German nation had so gloriously inherited from its ances-
tors. For that reason, it was necessary, to make use of all
their efforts, in concord and union, while imploring divine
assistance in so glorious a war ; which should be preferred
to French slavery, which would infallibly ensue, if Peace
was accepted, . under the conditions that were offered.
That ^s the Germans now stood, alone, to cope with France,
all must send their contingents for the war ; " and the Em-
peror was called upon to vigorously punish all those who
gave assistance to the enemy.

The Emperor, thereupon, issued a manifesto of a very
severe character, threatening punishment against all his
German subjects, who might join the enemy or lend him
countenance in any way ; and proclaiming the continuance
of hostilities. The protest of the Emperor was partially as
follows : " Since after a war, so prolonged and so ruinous to
all Christendom, it seems that the Powers of Europe are
about to make a mutual peace between themselves, and are
about to ratify it without any regard to our interests, we
have judged it proper to assert, by this Protest, our indubit-
able rights against all that may dare to gainsay or alienate
them, to our prejudice. And, indeed, it is not only the
state of our own affairs that concerns us, but the immutable
love that we have for our good subjects causes us to regard,
with great grief, that their lives and property have been
sacrificed to sustain the crying injustice that has been done

TREATY BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE. 295

us, and that they are in this condition, that if they make
Peace regardless of us, they must necessarily become the
prey of strangers and undergo their yoke." The Emperor
therefore was still obstinate ; and preferred to carry on the
war, singly, rather than give up his position.

Hostilities were mainly confined to the territories on the
Rhine, where the results were not fortunate to the German
arms. Marshal Villars, commanding the troops of the
King, besieged and took Landau in August, and after-
wards Fribourg, in November following, where many prison-
ers were captured and much munition of war secured.
These successes of France at length seriously disposed the
Emperor to peace ; and Prince Eugene was authorized to
commence negotiations with that view; Marshal Villars
representing France. Negotiations were somewhat pro-
longed ; and their rupture being probable, new levies were
ordered by the German Diet, and Prince Eugene departed
from Rastadt where the negotiations were proceeding.

In Feb., 1714, Louis thus wrote to Madame de Main-
tenon — " Peace is not yet made, but it will soon be signed.
Prince Eugene has returned to Rastadt, and Villars is about
going there. — Everything is arranged ; and I have ordered
Marshal Villars to sign. I have supposed that you will
not be sorry to know of this good news, somewhat sooner
than you otherwise would. You must not speak of it, ex-
cept by saying, that the Prince Eugene returning to Ras-
tadt, the conferences will be renewed. I have no doubt of
Peace. — I rejoice with you. — Let us thank the good God!"

The Treaty with the Emperor was eventually signed at
Rastadt ; and not finally concluded until nearly a year after
the other main treaties ; the treaty being dated March 6,
1714.

\ After the usual provisions " for a Christian and Universal
peace ; and a true, sincere and perpetual amity," between
the two countries, and a " perpetual oblivion and amnesty,"
ithe former treaties of Westphalia, Nymeguen and Ryswick
/are pronounced as the basis of the present treaty, in the
particulars where no change is made. The following are
the substantial provisions : — The City and fortress of Old

296 ' THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Brisach, Friburg, Fort Kehl, and other specified fortresses,
places and territories on the right bank of the Rhine and
elsewhere are to be restored to the Emperor, and others on
the left bank, to France ; the free navigation of the river to
be open to both countries. The cities of Tournay, and the
Tournaisis, and Menin are also yielded to the Empire ;
and the other places theretofore yielded to Holland, in be-
half of the Emperor.

By the Emperor's prolongation of the war he lost the im-
portant place of Landau, which he was obliged to yield to
France, and which France had offered him if he had as-
sented to the Treaties of 171 3, at Utrecht. Other places
and territories that belong to Baden, the Electorate of
Treves and the Palatinate, the Bishops of Worms and Spire,
and to the House of Wurtemburg respectively, are to be re-
stored, and certain fortresses held by France were to be razed
or evacuated. The house of Brunswick-Hanover was to be
recognized by France, as an Electorate ; and the Emperor
stipulated that the Archbishop of Cologne and the Elector
of Bavaria should be restored to their dominions and digni-
ties ; they to recognize the new Electorate of Hanover.
Part of his territories restored to the Elector of Bavaria
was the Principality of Mindelheim, which had been con-
ferred on Marlborough by the Emperor Joseph, in appreci-
ation of Marlborough's distinguished successes in the service
of the allies. Although Marlborough sent to the Emperor
a protest against his deprivation of the principality, which
he valued as a reward and a memorial of his valor and gen-
ius, his protest was ineffectual, and he received no indem-
nity for the loss of this estate, worth £20x1 a year, ex-
cept the empty title of Prince of the Holy Roman Empire. .-'

It is further provided in the treaty that the Emperor is^
to enter in possession of the Spanish Netherlands and oth6('i;r
adjacent districts and territories, to hold them for his hei^irs
and successors thenceforward, forever, according to a|ie
rangements, for their occupation, to be made between Hosle
land and the Empire. The King of Prussia was to retaitd,
certain specified districts. The Emperor was to have then,
then Spanish possessions, especially the Kingdom of Na-^e

THE BARRIER TREATY. 297

pies, Milan, Sardinia, and the ports of Tuscany, including
the fortresses on the Tuscan coast, without any interfer-
ence of France : and, by the treaty of Baden {infra), was to
take the Duchies of Mantua and Mirandola. Provision is
made for a more general and solemn treaty to be made
thereafter, on consultation with the Prince Electors and
States of the Empire.

This treaty was afterwards ratified at Baden in Sep-
tember, 1 7 14, with more special provisions, and with some
modification of previous treaties.

Nothing appears in either of these treaties as to the suc-
cession to the thrones either of France or Spain. The
Treaty of Baden was the final result of the terrible war
of the Succession which arose out of thp decease of Charles
II. of Spain, of whom a French writer * says : " His funeral
obsequies were the occasion of so many others, that it
might be well said of him, as was said of another Prince,
that it would have been well, if he had never been born, or
had never died ! "

A medal was struck on the conclusion of the War by the
peace of Baden ; on one side of which were the heads of
Eugene and Villars looking towards each other, with the
legend, in Latin : " Formerly two thunderbolts of war."
On the reverse of the medal were the words, " Now instru-
ments of peace," and two swords surrounded by olive
branches, and the genius of Peace with a pen in hand.

THE BARRIER TREATY.

A treaty had been made between England and Holland
in January, 1713 ; the main features of which related to
the acknowledgment and continuance of the Protestant
Succession in the former country, on the one side, and the
guaranteeing the maintenance of the barrier to be estab-
lished for Holland, on the other. A Treaty called the
" Treaty of the Barrier " had also, theretofore, been made
between Great Britain and Holland while the war was at
its height. This latter compact was made in October, 1709 ;

* De Flassan,

298 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

by it the Dutch were guaranteed the mihtary occupation,
at all times, of certain fortresses and territories on the
frontier of the Spanish Netherlands, as a barrier against
France. On the part of Holland, it was agreed, that she
should furnish succor, by land and sea, to maintain the
Queen in the quiet possession of her kingdoms ; and also
defend the succession of the House of Hanover to the
British Crown. This treaty and the one above recited of
the same character were severely criticised in England as
unnecessary and absurd; and it was claimed that Great
Britain could not, in reason, be called upon to sustain it.
Said Swift, in one of his pungent papers, in 1712 : "But
how must it sound in a European ear, that Great Britain,
after maintaining a war for so many years, with so much
glory and success, and such prodigious expense ; after sav-
ing the Empire, Holland and Portugal, and almost recover-
ing Spain, should, toward the close of the war, enter into a
treaty with seven Dutch provinces to secure to them a
dominion larger than their own, which she had conquered
for them, and to undertake for a great deal more, without
stipulating the least advantage for herself ; and accept as
an equivalent, the mean condition of those States to pre-
serve her Queen upon the throne ; 'vchom, by God's assist-
ance, she is able to defend against all her enemies and
allies put together."

TREATY BETWEEN HOLLAND AND THE EMPEROR.

A further treaty was that made between Holland and
the Emperor to establish the barrier on the frontier of the
Spanish Netherlands, as a protection to Holland. By the
terms of the main Treaty of Utrecht, with Holland, the
United Provinces were to remain in possession of the
Spanish Netherlands, until the Emperor had arranged with
the Dutch for the establishment of their permanent barrier.
The treaty arranging this barrier was signed, at Antwerp,
in November, 1715. By its provisions, Holland was to yield
up the possession of all towns and Provinces in the Spanish
Netherlands, formerly held by Charles H., or that had been

OTHER TREATIES. 299

ceded by France; and the Emperor stipulated, in turn,
that no part of the Spanish Netherlands should be there-
after ceded to France, nor to any Prince not a successor or
heir to the House of Austria. An army, contributed in
certain proportions by either country, was to remain in
occupation of certain designated places in the Austrian
Netherlands, as they were thereafter to be called, and
certain strong places in Gueldres were given to Holland.
England was a party to and guaranteed the maintenance of
this treaty, and was to furnish a contingent in case of any
attack on places within the barrier.

TREATY WITH PORTUGAL.

A treaty of Peace was also made between Spain and
Portugal which was concluded at Utrecht, under date of
February 6, 171 5; by which the territories of each nation
were to be mutually restored, as before the war.

OTHER TREATIES.

On the 26th of June, 17 14, a Treaty of Peace and Com-
merce was also made between Holland and Spain.

There were also other treaties made by several of the
minor states, which it would be of little interest now to
review.

MEMORIAL OF THE PROTESTANTS.

Besides the political elements involved in the discussions
at Utrecht, certain religious privileges and rights were
sought to be established. During the last days of the
Sessions, an appeal was put before the Plenipotentiaries,
by the Protestant Princes and States, in furtherance of the
principle of religious toleration, and, particularly, for the
relief of the French Huguenots. The memorial address,
on which the appeal was made, was offered by the Pro-
testant Plenipotentiaries, and presented to the Plenipo-
tentiaries of France on the nth of April, 1713.

300 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

" Wherefore," the Protestant Plenipotentiaries conclude
in their request, " the Plenipotentiaries of the said allies
find themselves obliged, pursuant to the express orders of
their sovereigns, to require with the utmost earnestness.
Messieurs, the Plenipotentiaries of his Most Christian
Majesty, to represent to the King, their Master, that the
relief the French Protestants have so long groaned for
may be granted them, and that they may be re-established
in their religious rights and privileges, and enjoy an entire
liberty of conscience ; and that such of them as are in
prisons and galleys, and otherwise confined, maybe enlarged
and set at liberty, to the end that those afflicted people
may have a share in that peace which Europe, in all ap-
pearance, is going to enjoy."

It appeared from the memorial that, within the previous
thirty years, under one pretence or another, over three
hundred Protestant churches had been broken up in France
by the interference of Government. " By this," the memo-
rial states, " over a million of persons have not only been
deprived of all manner of exercise of religious instruction,
or religious comfort in sickness, but, besides these calami-
ties, the greatest part of them have been compelled to
promise and subscribe to adhere to the worship and errors
of the Church of Rome. Others have abandoned their
native land, or were expelled thence, without any subsist-
ence or comfort, except what they found in the charitable
reception given them by foreign Protestants." The Me-
morial then speaks of those who persisted in their faith,
or offered any resistance, being transported into slavery
to the French Colonies of America, thrown into prisons
and convents, and condemned to the galleys without regard
to age or quality; of the tearing of children from their
parents ; of the confiscation of estates ; of the forcing of
the Romish tenets upon the young and helpless, and of
causing them to do a great many things, under the Romish
discipline, " which fill their consciences with horror, and
overwhelm their souls with grief." The Memorial con-
cludes with praying the Congress to adopt measures, in the
Treaty, for the protection of the Protestants in France, in

MEMORIAL OF THE PROTESTANTS. 301

the exercise of their worship, and in their family relations;
the restitution of their estates and franchises as citizens,
and of the confiscated estates of exiles. Memorials were
also put in in behalf of the Protestant estates and subjects
of the Kingdom of Hungary, and of the Principality of
Transylvania, and of the Province of Silesia.

But the Congress was too much exercised in settling
territorial and political matters to give any attention to
religious questions. They had appealed to God, at the
beginning of the Sessions, but practically ignored his
interests at the close. It does not appear that anything
was said or done, in furtherance of the objects of the
Memorial, and the application of the Protestant advocates
was entirely disregarded. Thereupon they put in a protest,
before the Magistrates of Utrecht, dated May 26, 1713,
stating that their just hopes of redress by the King of
France had been frustrated, and lamenting that no Poten-
tate had undertaken, in the Congress, the office of mediator
in their behalf.

On the conclusion of the great Peace, a commemorative
medal was struck ; in which Astrsea is represented descend-
ing from the skies with the attributes of Peace, Justice and
Abundance, and bearing the motto: Spes felicitatis Orbis,
Pax Ultrajactensis : XI. Apr His, 171 3.*

* The Peace of Utrecht, the hope of happiness for the World.

CHAPTER XXX.

Reception of the Treaty of Utrecht. — Views in Germany. — Sentiment in
England, and Holland. — Opinion of Louis XIV., and the Marquis de
Torcy. — Views of Historians, and Others. — Views in Favor of the
Peace. — Bolingbroke's Reflections upon it. — Macaulay's Views. — The
Clause in the Treaty with Great Britain recognizing the Protestant
Succession.

RECEPTION OF THE TREATY OF UTRECHT.

Since the great Treaty of Westphalia, which pacified Eu-
rope by closing the "Thirty Years' War," there had been no
Treaty involving such important interests and settling ques-
tions of such political moment as the series of compacts
called the " Treaty of Utrecht." This great and humane
agreement of peace, so longed for by the vs^earied and ha-
rassed peoples of Europe, the result of prolonged and anx-
ious labor, and which had been adjusted by the wisest and
most experienced statesmen of the time, on a basis that
was. deemed just for all, gave great discontent in many
quarters ; — and indeed, seemed grateful in none.

Criticisms, accusations, reproaches and denunciations flew
about, like birds of ill omen, over Europe, and indicated
that the repose of the Nations, gladdened, for a time, by
dreams of peace, could not be of long duration.

The following is a translation of one of the most
acrid Philippics of the time, indicating the views on the
German side of the question, and is a bitter malediction on
the Peace and its promoters.

" No enlightened person characterizes the Peace of
Utrecht except as hideous and abominable. It is well said,
that it is a peace blown into existence by the most danger-
ous of all seducing influences, listened to by the most sim-
ple of all imbeciles, connived at by the most shameful com-
placency, projected by the blackest of treasons. All en-
lightened persons denounce it as commenced under the

302

RECEPTTON OF THE TREATY IN GERMANY. 303

wildest confusion, pushed forward by atrocious perfidy,
managed by the most deceiving dissimulations, treated by
the most stupid incapacity, imposed by the most disdainful
arrogance, prescribed by the most enormous injustice and
brought to birth amidst the most tumultuous discords.—
A peace concluded amid the wildest fears, subscribed by
the most abominable constraint, accepted by the most sor-
did greed, approved by the most flagrant corruption, ap-
plauded by the most stupid ignorance, received with the
keenest bitterness and preserved with an absurd mystery.
Peace ! — which tarnishes the glorious streams of blood flow-
ing in a just war, and opening adundant sources of tears —
bitter to honorable men, who foresee, with the profoundest
grief, the imminent and perilous slavery of wretched Eu-
rope. Peace ! — that posterity will regard with detestable
horror. Peace ! whose ignominy will find no parallel in fu-
ture ages. In fine, Peace, whose sweet name of benediction
is unfortunately turned into a frightful prognostic of evil —
whose bonfires of joy and illuminations should only serve
as wretched funeral pyres to the fleshless skeleton of the
expiring liberty of Europe, and for which no Te Deum can
be chaunted without blasphemous impiety.

" One only light of glory is seen — that of the allies, who,
with a constant faith and an unalterable sincerity and can-
dor, had, in 1709 and 1710, at the Hague and at Gertruy-
denberg, been arrayed for a peace which was in harmony
with the glorious exploits of a long and happy war ; which
peace was obstructed by methods now notorious to the
whole earth ; and that, by a stupid handful of villanous
Englishmen, who had degenerated from the generosity and
glory of their nation."

A great clamor, particularly against England, was kept
up at the Imperial Court, and, in fact, by all Germany. A
contemporary letter, purporting to be written by a servant
of the Emperor to an Englishman, was worded in the fol-
lowing strong denunciatory language : —

"You are feeling triumphant now; and you do not per-
ceive that France, alone, has carried off the victory. In what
spirit, think you, will posterity read what you have done?

304 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

— With with aspect, do you think, is all Europe viewing
this event ? — like an event without parallel — which has no
example in past times, and which, please God, may have no
like in future times." The charge was then made, in the
letter, of base desertion from the alliance, and, it was
claimed, that the campaign was opening with great pros-
pects of success — that large forces were ready for the
spring movements, when the Duke of Ormond received his
orders, ignominiously, to take his troops away ; and that no
satisfaction had been made to the Emperor, for the loss of
Spain.

" But you Englishmen, — you, our allies," the letter goes
on to say, " who have so often recognized the necessity of
lowering the exorbitant power of France and to set limits
to that formidable power which recognizes none, — you, who
have so often and so solemnly recognized the right of his
Imperial Majesty over the whole Spanish Monarchy — you,
in fine, who were allied with us to reconquer it and to re-
store it to the Emperor, how is it possible, that on the
point of arriving at this end, so long desired, you change,
all at once, your sentiment, your councils and your designs
— that you arrest the glorious and rapid course of our com-
mon victories — and that changing thus, from white to
black, you take upon yourselves, in face of the whole earth,
the despicable resolution to undo all that you have done, —
to abandon your faithful and principal ally, to throw your-
self upon his heritage, and to divide it, like plunder, between
yourselves and the common enemy? Oh, Englishmen,
Englishmen ! — what will posterity say of you — on what
decent ground can you do what you are doing? — What
will become of the world, and what will become of your-
selves if such conduct becomes an example, and if other
Powers no longer feel bound to stick to their alliances ? "

The principal grounds of complaint of the Emperor were,
that the common cause of the alliance had been aban-
doned ; that Spain had been despoiled and dismembered
and little of it given to Austria ; that the frontiers of
France had been restored and left fortified ; and that the
Empire had been despoiled, and left unprotected along the

-K

RECEPTION OF THE TREATY IN ENGLAND. 305

Rhine frontier, and was open to attack by France, at any-
time.

In Holland, also, the Peace was greeted, not only with-
out enthusiasm, but with aversion, in spite of the bonfires
and illuminations ordered by the States General. It was
complained particularly there, that France was left in pos-
session of a string of fortresses on the Rhine and in Flan-
ders, which might operate as an advance guard for aggres-
sion ; and that the result was not commensurate with the
blood and treasure that had been lavished by the Dutch.

In England, also, by very many, the terms of the Treaty
of Utrecht were considered a special blot on the statesman-
ship and glory of the nation : and the only part of it with
which everybody was pleased was the Assiento agreement
[with Spain ; by which England became an extensive slave
ape*, and trader. Lord Chatham, in after times, char-
acterized the Treaty as " the indelible reproach of the last
generation," * and its conditions gave, with many, good
reason for such a sneer against England as was made by
Count Algarotti, when he remarked, that " the English
made war like lions, and peace like lambs."

Bishop Burnet, also, and other prominent men in England,
boldly denounced the treaty as a violation of England's
compact, and a disgraceful abandonment of the allies.
While the Treaty was in progress, Burnet thus boldly spoke
his views to the Queen, as he has recorded the occurrence
in his history: — "I asked leave," he states, "to speak my
mind plainly ; which she granted. I said, that any treaty
by which Spain and the West Indies were left to King
Philip, must, in a little while, deliver all Europe into the
hands of France ; and if any such peace should be made,
she was betrayed and we were all ruined : that, in less than
three years' time, she would be murdered, and the fires
would be again raised in Smithfield."

Not only by a large number of the English people at the

* Lord Chatham, also, writing, in 1759, to the British Minister at the
Court of Berlin, says, " Whenever peace shall be judged proper to come
under consideration, no peace of Utrecht will, again stain the annals of
England ! "

3o6 THE HISTOR Y OF A GREA T TREA TV.

time, but subsequently, by the majority of English histori-
ans, the Treaty of peace has been considered, not only dis-
honorable to England, in view of her great sacrifices an^
her great victories, but disgraceful, in view of her relations
to her ifllies and"ffie pjirgoses of the war. It was consid-
ered that all the great principles which caused^ the xonfedj-
eration of States to oppose the power of France, particularly
as to the seating of a Bourbon on the Spanish throne, were
abandoned ; and that the allies of England, in spite of
solemn compact, were deserted by her, to continue the war
alone, and to suffer defeat, by reason of the removal of
Marlborough from command, the unexpected secret treaty
with France, and the withdrawal of the English contingent
from the ranks of the allies. The Catalans, too, who had
fought desperately for the Archduke, were left without any
provision for their protection, in the Treaty ; and were
basely abandoned to the joint attack of France and Spain ;
and subsequently treated with great harshness and almost
barbarous cruelty by tho^ Powers. __^

To balance this, the empty honor of obtaining from
Louis an acknowledgment of the Protestant succession,
was considered a mere empty form of words ; which experi-
ence had shown, after the violation of the terms of the
Treaty of Ryswick, would be arbitrarily set at naught, at
any time, by the King of France, when his interests might
so dispose him. /That monarch, on the contrary, it was
urged, might wen surrender some of the strong places in
the Netherlands, and on the Rhine, since, by his practical
control of Spain, his strength would be doubled for the
purpose, at any time he so desired, of seizing them again.
Louis, it was said, had succeeded in all his aims. He
had gallantly fought out the war to the end, — and, with
the exception of a few fortresses, his European territory
was unchanged : he had prevented the aggrandizement of
Austria — he had placed, securely, his Bourbon on the
throne of Spain and the Indies: and bound the Spaniards
by ties of blood and alliance of interest, as his confederates
for any future hostile design.

Holland, it is true, had gained her barrier ; and for this

VIEWS OF LOUIS AND DE TORCY.

307

England had contended, but it was only after successive
curtailments: for, under the skilful encroachments of the
French diplomatists, the barrier was rendered of little ef-
ficiency, inasmuch as Bethune, Aire, St. Venant, and, above
all. Lisle, were restored to France, and moreover, the aban-
donment of her ally, by England, left a sense of hostility
in the minds of the Dutch, that endured for many years.
The Treaty of Commerce with France, too, was so particu-
larly unpopular, with the mercantile public in Great Britain,
that ministers had to employ De Foe and other pamphlet-
eers to support it. By taking off the high duties, imposed
on French importations, it was considered, that trade with
Portugal, Italy and Turkey would be injuriously affected,
and the interests of the Nation generally impaired. Parlia-
ment subsequently refused to pass a measure to carry cer-
tain parts of this Treaty into operation. In addition to
this, the commercial features of the Treaty were left, it was
considered, so equivocal and doubtful as to leave occasion
in after times, to disputes and hostile misunderstandings —
to crown all, England had no security or real guarantee
given for protection against any future act of France.

And yet, with all the advantages that were supposed to
accrue to France, by the Treaty, it was not considered, in
that country, of special benefit to it. Louis, it is related,
was so displeased with its terms that he refused to receive
the congratulations habitual on such occasions, although
the usual Te Deums and illuminations were directed, in
order to influence ideas of the community as to the final
triumphs obtained through the Peace. De Torcy, however,
the French Minister of foreign affairs, thus, in his memoirs,
records his satisfaction at the Treaty, so far as France was
concerned. " England, quitting her allies, who were after-
wards defeated at Denain, had the glory to contribute in
restoring to Europe a happy and stable peace : advanta-
geous to France, by the restoration of the principal places
which she had lost during the war, by the preservation of
those which the king had offered three years before :
glorious, by the maintenance of a prince of the Royal family
on the throne of Spain ; necessary, from the fatal loss,

3o8 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

which the kingdom incurred, four years after that miser-
able negotiation,* and two years after the peace, of the
greatest king who ever yet wore the crown."

By many, the whole proceedings at Utrecht were consid-
ered a diplomatic farce, intended to delude the allies into
the idea that they were engaged in assisting to make a
Treaty, when, in fact, it was being made entirely through
the outside negotiations between France and England.
Tindall, the English historian, writing about twenty-five
years after the Treaty, thus pithily gives his views on the
subject. It was well for him that his criticism was not
expressed during a Tory Administration. "The summary,
then, of this whole proceeding, at Utrecht, in one short
view, appears to be this. A Congress, for general confer-
ence, was necessary to be opened, that the allies might, in
appearance, agreeable to the Grand Alliance, have the oppor-
tunity of treating and adjusting their several pretensions.
The British Ministers were, by their instructions, to act in
concert with their allies : but they really acted in concert
with the French Plenipotentiaries. The allies, giving in
their specific demands, was not to be avoided : but the
French were to gain as much time as they possibly could,
by unnecessary delays, and at last, insist upon such a
method of answering these demands, as they knew the
allies could not comply with. In the mean time, the nego-
tiations were carrying on, directly, between England and
France ; or rather, all the>conditions were dictated and pre-
scribed by France, whilst the allies were amused with a dis-
pute about the method of answering, from which France
would not and they could not possibly depart : in which
England agreed with the rest of the allies.

" All particulars that .concerned even the interest of the
Allies, were transacted between the Ministers of England
and France, under the highest obligations of secrecy. The
Dutch were pressed to come into the Queen's measures,
without being acquainted with what the Queen's measures
were : and, because they would not consent to they knew
not what, as soon as it was resolved to send orders to the
* The negotiations at Gertruydenberg.

VIEWS OF HISTORIANS AND OTHERS. 309

Duke of Ormond not to engage in either siege or battle,
and the great projects were ready to be executed on the
other side of the water, the Queen declared she looked
upon herself now, from their conduct, to be under no obli-
gation, whatever, to the States General. And thus, the alli-
ance between Great Britain and her principal ally was de-
clared to be dissolved and cancelled, before anything was
finally agreed and concluded between Great Britain and
France, or the .former had any security for its own trade
and commerce, or any other advantages that were to ac-
crue to it."

A minister of the German circles produced the following
jeu d' esprit on the Treaty and its illusory character :

" Compotto, impono, conclude, illudo. Quid inde?
Conclusum, illusum, compositum, imposttutn.
Finis principio similis, sic or do vagatur.
Nos dedimtts, dabimus, nolwnus, et volumus,
Conventus noster ventus, conclusio ludus.
Utfuit accessus, sicque recessus erit."

Archdeacon Coxe, in his Memoirs of the Kings of Spain,
thus records his view of the subject :

" Thus terminated a negotiation, which proved the salva-
tion of the House of Bourbon, and set the seal to the de-
gradation of England ! " He then quotes the words of
Bishop Fleetwood in the preface to his sermons, which pref-
ace was ordered to be burned by the common hangman.
A part of it is as follows : " We were, as all the world im-
agined, then just entered on the ways that promised to
lead us to suqh a peace as would have answered all the
prayers of our religious Queen, the care and vigilance of a
most able ministry, the payments of a willing and obedient
people, as well as all the toils and hazards of the soldiery —
when God, for our sins, permitted the spirit of discord to
go forth, and, by troubling sore the Camp, the City and the
Country, to spoil for a time this beautiful and pleasing
prospect, and give in its stead — I know not what — Our
enemies will tell the rest, with pleasure ! "

One of the most pronounced of English historians, in

310 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

denunciation of the Treaty, is Lord Mahon, who thus sum-
marizes his views of it : " To our enemies, indeed, I would
willingly leave the disgraceful transactions of that period.
Let them relate the bed-chamber influence of Mrs. Masham
with her sovereign, and the treacherous cabals of Harley
against his colleagues — by what unworthy means, the great
administration of Godolphin was sapped and overthrown —
how his successors surrendered the public interests, to
serve their own — and how subserviency to France became
our leading principle of policy — how the Dutch were for-
saken — and the Catalans betrayed — until, at last, this career
of wickedness received its consummation in the shameful
Peace of Utrecht ! "

Keightley, another English historian, thus writes ; " But
loss of honor was the great loss of England in this oppro-'
brious treaty. She basely deserted and betrayed her al-
lies, and th^ infamy would be indelible were the fact not
certain, that it was the deed of an unprincipled minister,
the secret foe of the Protestant succession, and supported
by the Jacobites and high Tories, and not the act of the
nation."

But there are other views as to the Peace entertained by
more dispassionate thinkers, in opposition to those above
recited ; and, which, at least, at the present day, would seem,
under all the circumstances, more reasonable. Whatever
were the ministerial intrigues connected with it or the polit-
ical results of the Peace, certainly, in a broad humanitarian
aspect, it was beneficent. It gave leisure to kings, cabinets
and statesmen, who had been for years in a state of anxious
unrest, and afforded them time to attend to the neglected
internal interests of their respective States ; it gave repose
and relief to the people, from whom the taxes that had fed
the war had been wrung, in the midst of disease and famine,
and whose blood had drenched the soil to further ends to
which they, in their private spheres, were indifferent — it gave
opportunity for science and art to pursue their noble aims
for the extension of human welfare and happiness — it loos-
ened the chains of Commerce, always ready to spring, with
alacrity, at the first sound of peace ; and set free her sails,

ADVANTAGES OBTAINED BY THE TREATY.

for the interchange of the peaceful products of long neg-
lected industry, — it signalled the peasant again to drive his
beasts afield, where lately had stormed the ranks of frantic
hosts •, and sowed anew the patient earth for the golden
yield that was to give fresh life to starving and suffering
humanity.

But great and advantageous political results were also
obtained by the Peace ; although it has become the fashion
for historians to decry them. The war of the Succession
had been begun, not merely to settle the succession to the
crown of Spain, but to guard against the undue preponder-
ance of a single Power, and to secure the independence of
the European States, by establishing a proper equilibrium.
These results had been gained — and permanently gained.
France had been checked, humiliated and weakened. She
had found, that any future war begun by her, for mere con-
quest, would cause all Europe to rise in arms against her.
The fact had been demonstrated, that she could no longer,
under any monarch, be a dictator in European politics, nor
a mere marauder over the territories of other States ; — her
power was no longer to preponderate — her threats no
longer were to intimidate. A part of her frontier had been
lost — the dominions of Spain, her great ally, had been dis-
membered — and the crowns of France and Spain were for-
ever disunited.

For her ally, the Duke of Savoy, England had secured
the return of his estates, the possession of Sicily, and the
title of King. England had gained, for herself, strength
and territory in the Mediterranean, as well as in America ;
Gibraltar and Minorca were hers, for the protection of her
Mediterranean commerce ; and obnoxious Dunkirk was to
be razed, for the security of her southern coast. England
had nothing more to gain, for her own advantage, by pro-
longing the war ; the circumstances under which it was be-
gun had changed ; and a plausible excuse for her desertion
of her allies might be urged, in that they had not, for a
long time, furnished their quota of troops or subsidies
engaged for the war. By the Treaty, too, the Protestant

312 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

succession was formally acknowledged, and the Pretender
ignored.

Besides this it might be asked, " Was the war to be end-
less?" Every nation engaged in it was suffering — and
neither defeat nor victory, on either side, seemed produc-
tive of any decisive result. England came out of the; con-
test strong and influential. Her power in European politics
had been felt — a power which was to be lasting ; she was,
thenceforth, to be an important factor in all settlements of
European interests.

Austria, too, although disappointed in her hopes as to
the Succession, and irritated by the cession of Strasburg
to France, had gained the most important of the Spanish
possessions in Italy, and increased her imperial prestige and
power, as a counterpoise to France. The Spanish Nether-
lands, the principal theatre of contest, were also to be hers,
and would prove an additional bulwark for Holland. Be-
sides this, why should she further hopelessly contend for
the Spanish throne ? The Spaniards had strongly mani-
fested their preference for their new king, and expressed
their detestation of Austrian rule ; and the other Powers
seemed determined not to further carry on the contest, in
order to force on the Spaniards a rule which they detested,
and to establish for them a dynasty which would cause an
amalgamation of all the Spanish dominions with those of
the Empire, and, by conferring a double crown on the
House of Austria, establish a strength and preponderance
for that House, which might be as baneful for Europe as
the other alternative.

Holland, too, had its barrier established, which under the
Treaty seemed sufficient, particularly, in view of the fact,
that the Netherlands were now to be a part of Austria, the
hereditary foe of France.

The Electors of Bavaria and Cologne also, came out well
by the Treaty, being restored to their former estates.

The Duke of Hanover was confirmed in the dignity of
Elector, and Prussia was publicly acknowledged a Kingdom
and received advantageous additions to her territories.
Spain too received by the Treaty peace and repose after

VIEWS IN FAVOR OF THE PEACE. 313

the terrible conflict which had raged in every part of that
country. She had lost, it is true, her possessions in the
Netherlands and in Italy — but those possessions had been
sources of weakness to her, rather than of strength ; remote
from the mother country, they required constant supervis-
ion and care, and needed large bodies of troops for their
government and defence. On the oiher hand, she had
preserved her rich colonies in America, which were her
main sources of wealth.

The French King, on his side, had reason to be satisfied
with the Treaty, in many respects. By it he had saved
France ; he had established a powerful alliance on his
southern border ; he had founded a dynasty of his own
family in Spain ; and had checked Austria in her efforts to
gain preponderance in Europe.

The Treaty, in fine, arranged with great deliberation and
under the greatest difficulties in view of the numerous con-
flicting demands and the jealousy and enmity with which
each state regarded the claims of the others, showed a fair
regard for all interests, as well as for the general welfare, in
the maintenance of a proper balance of territorial and gov-
ernmental power ; although no one country had received a
triumph, or complete satisfaction. The Treaty was, with-
out doubt, not only a blessing to humanity and to, Europe,
but as beneficent and just as it might be made, for the re-
spective States concerned.

Lord Bolingbroke, in his reflections on the results of, the
war and the Peace, contained in his Essay on " The Study
and Use of History," written many years after the Peace,
thus expressed himself as to the necessity of it. " It was
high time, indeed," he writes, " to save our country from
absolute insolvency and bankruptcy, by putting an end to a
scheme of conduct which the prejudices of a party, the
whimsy of some particular men, the private interest of
more, and the ambition and avarice of our allies, who had
been invited to a scramble, as it were, by the preliminaries
of 1709, alone maintained." He then speaks of his efforts
to bring about the peace, and that he felt it his duty to his
country to endeavor to further it, although he foresaw.

314 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

somewhat, what would happen to him for being so active
in it : but, he avers, that he would so act, again, under the
same circumstances. " Age and experience," he remarks,
" might enable me to act with more ability and greater
skill ; but all I have suffered, since the death of the Queen,
would not hinder me from so acting. Notwithstanding
this, I shall not be surprised if you think that the Peace of
Utrecht was not answerable to the success of the war, nor
to the efforts made in it. I think so myself ; and have
always owned, even when it was making and made, that I
thought so ; since we had committed a successful folly we
ought to have reaped more advantage from it than we did ;
and, whether we had left Philip, or placed another prince on
the throne of Spain, we ought to have reduced the power
of France and to have strengthened her neighbors much
more than we did. We ought to have reduced her power
for generations to come, and not to have contented our-
selves with a momentary reduction of it." Bolingbroke
further ascribes the failure to exact better terms from
France to the intrigues of parties in England and Holland,
who were opposed to all peace ; and kept the counsels of
England and the allies disunited, until the position of
France was so strengthened that she was in a state to resist
undue pressure upon her.

As regards the criticism urged against the clandestine na-
ture of the negotiations carried on between the French and
the English ministry, outside the Congress at Utrecht, it
may be answered that there was nothing in them excep-
tional to the course of habitual diplomacy. The Congress
at Utrecht was too unwieldy, and the interests there too
various for any such speedy termination of the controver-
sies involved, that the interests of Europe required.

The diplomatic punctilio was too rigid, and diplomatic
formula too dilatory at the general Congress for the exigen-
cies of the case ; a mere quarrel between lackeys had de-
layed proceedings for months at Utrecht, and other delays
threatened to paralyze -further negotiations ; therefore,
practised statesmen like De Torcy and Oxford and Boling-
broke, acting under the urgent wishes of their respective

MA CA ULA Y'S OPINION. 3 j 5

sovereigns, took the matter into their own hands, applied
their strong judgment and common sense in a business way
to the main purposes in view ; and, although they did not
omit to fence with each other for diplomatic advantages,
they acted with a frankness and directness unusual in diplo-
macy, impressed their ardor for peace on all concerned in
the negotiations, and finally— amid obstacles, jealousies,
delays and objections, that seemed hydra-headed — brought
the greatest work of the century to a solid conclusion.

De Torcy, writing afterwards, with the reflection that
repose afforded, thus gives his testimony of the good faith
that characterized the negotiations. " What renders our
negotiations at London," he remarks, "different from many
others is that there never was any question of advantage
beyond that of procuring Peace for Europe, nor any other
interest than that of the State. If, on our part, we took
pains to employ language most appropriate to please the
Queen — it was not only due to her sex, but her zeal for
peace ; and the sincerity of her ministers merit such praise
as it is proper to give to good faith, which does not always
prevail between negotiators. — Many, on the contrary, are
wrongly of the opinion that falsehood and artifice are the
great weapons of political intercourse."

"The day will come," remarks Bolingbroke, in an answer
to the libels against him, as he terms them, " the day will
come, when authentic history will relate the passages of
those times, without regard to the partial views of any
party, or the particular defence of any man. Until this day
does come, every one must decide or suspend his judgment
as he may have reason to do ; and they, who may suffer by
these judgments, must bear it, with that temper and respect
which is due from every private man to public censures —
nay, even to public prejudices."

Macaulay, in one of his essays, passes judgment on the
Treaty, in his usual cynical and dogmatic style : " We are,
therefore," he remarks, " for the Peace of Utrecht. We are,
indeed, no admirers of the statesmen who concluded that
peace. Harley, we believe, was a solemn trifler — St. John
a brilliant knave. The great body of their followers con-

3i6 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

sisted of the country clergy and the country gentry ; two
classes of men who were, then, inferior in intelligence to
decent shopkeepers or farmers, of our time. * * * It is
true that the means by which the Tories came into power,
in 1710, were most disreputable. . It is true, that the man-
ner in which they used their power was often unjust and
cruel. It is true, that, in order to bring about their favor-
ite project of peace, they resorted to slander and deception,
without the slightest scruple. It is true, that they passed
off, on the British nation, a renunciation, which they knew
to be invalid. It is true that they gave up the Catalans to
the vengeance of Philip, in a manner inconsistent with hu-
manity and national honor. But on the great question of
Peace or War, we cannot but think; that, though their mo-
tives may have been selfish and malevolent, their decision
was beneficial to the State."

THE CLAUSE IN THE TREATY AS TO THE "PROTESTANT
SUCCESSION."

There is a secret history, with regard to the clause in
the Treaty between France and England, by which the
Protestant succession in Great Britain was recognized, as
one of the terms of the pacification. To obtain this recog-
nition had been one of the objects of the war; and the ac-
knowledgment of the Pretender, as King, by Louis XIV.,
when William III. was King of England, had been the
main cause that had brought that country into the alliance
with the Emperor and Holland, against France.

A fear of Papacy — a dread of French interference and
French influence — the remembrance of the tyranny and big-
otry of James — and, above all, the heroic qualities and no-
table virtues of William and Mary, had caused any indica-
tion of an intention, on the part of France, to assist the
Catholic Pretender to the English throne, to be viewed,
throughout England, with fierce indignation.

Circumstances, however, had changed. King James was
no more — death had given him a political absolution — the
Pretender, his son, was of the old stock — he was an English-

CONCERNING THE " PROTESTANT SUCCESSION." 317

man — he, personally, had done the realm no harm — he was
a prince of resolution and manly qualities — he promised
toleration — and, above all, as a paramount qualification
with many throughout the land — he embodied that spiritual
essence which sanctified his cause — the jus divinum — the
divine right of kingship. On the other hand, when Anne —
now in feeble health and childless — should pass from the
throne, who was designated to take her place, as by law
established? — A tottering old German woman, or her dull,
sensual boor of a son — both indifferent to everything
English — unsympathetic with the English people — ignorant
of their laws and even of their language.

Naturally, men's minds, and an increasing number of
them, were directed seriously to consider the claims of the
Pretender, as the health of the Queen deteriorated from
day to day. It began to be widely supposed, that the
House of Hanover would have difficulty in placing itself on
the throne. It was thought that if the Pretender and his
friends could only establish themselves, with some show of
strength and popularity, either in England or Scotland,
ready for the coming emergency, that, when it arose, by
rapid movement acquiring strength through growing enthu-
siasm and loyalty for the legitimate race, he might march
on London — appeal to the people, who are always ready to
be moved by courageous resolution — then fortify himself,
so as to draw to his side the influential men who, as in
William's day, would want to jump to the winning side —
and thus secure the crown.

During the year of the consummation of the Peace, and
for a year before, the partisans of both the House of Han-
over and of Stuart, apprehending the speedy decease of
the Queen, were indefatigable in their efforts and incessant
in their intrigues. Constant communication was kept up,
by means of agents, spies and partisans, between the courts
of either House and those of influence about the English
court. Women and men. Noble and Priest, Sectarians and
fortune-seekers, low intriguers and those high in office,
were all more or less anxious on either side, and active in
furthering the respective interests of the rival Houses. Of

3i8 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

course, the Hanoverian cause, being that of a Protestant
family, had the most adherents : hatred of France and
dread of Popery had become permanent features of the
EngHsh character; and with both those influences the
"Chevaher" had to contend: but, in spite of their num-
bers and their strength, the partisans of the House of Han-
over were by no means without apprehension as to the
future. So alarmed were they by the activity of the Pre-
tender, and the strong sympathy that seemed to prevail
for him throughout the Court, that continued efforts were
made to induce either the Elector or the Electoral Prince
to come over to England; and this step was considered
almost essential to their interests. To give him an EngHsh
aspect, the ministry of 1706 had caused the Electoral Prince
to be chosen' a Knight of the Garter, and had created him
Duke of Cambridge ; but the Queen was so averse to hav-
ing any of the Electoral family appear in England, during
her later lifetime, and made such strong protest against it,
that neither the Elector nor his son made the desired ap-
pearance in that country.

The Pretender saw how necessary it was for his cause,
however, that, before the Queen's decease, he should be
able to show himself to the English people, and be on the
spot, ready for prompt action when her reign closed. To
further this, he made frequent and earnest appeals to
Queen Anne, to be allowed to visit England, even in a
private capacity ; and offered to go, attended only by a
single page — in order to arrive at some settlement with
her, as to the future.

In May,- 171 1, he had thus written to his sister: "To
you and to you alone, I wish to owe eventually the throne
of my fathers. The voice of God and of nature are loud
in your ears. The preservation of our family, the prevent-
ing unnatural wars, the prosperity of our country, all com-
bine to require you to rescue me from affliction and your-
self from misery. Though restrained by your difficult situ-
ation, I can form no doubt of your preferring a brother — the
last male of an ancient line, to the remotest relation we have
in the World. Neither you nor this nation have received

CONCERNING THE " PROTESTANT SUCCESSION." 319

any injury at my hand. Therefore, Madam, as you tender
your own honor and happiness, as you love your family,
as you revere the memory of your father, as you regard the
welfare and safety of a great people, I conjure you to meet,
in this friendly way of composing our difference. The
happiness of bpth depends upon your resolution."

There is no doubt that the warmest sympathizer that the
Pretender had, in England, was Queen Anne. Besides
entertaining a strong natural feeling of sisterly affection —
she commiserated the exile and the wanderer — outcast for no
fault of his own — she and her brother were the last of a
great line of kings — she had no love for the House of Han-
over, whose dull merits were continually dinned in her ears,
and the efforts to bring some of the family over to Eng-
land, before her decease, she considered an outrage on her
as a woman, and an insult to her as a Sovereign. A motion
made, after the Peace, by the Earl of Wharton, that a
reward should be offered for apprehending the Pretender —
dead or alive — excited her peculiar indignation, and strength-
ened her aversion to the Hanoverians: — as also a request
made by the Elector that her brother should be removed to
Italy. " Every new application to the Queen," says Som-
erville, who wrote not long after the Peace, " was a knell
to her heart, confirming, by the voice of a nation, those fear-
ful apprehensions, which arose from a sense of her in-
creasing infirmities. The loss of all her children bore the
aspect of an angry Providence adjusting punishment to the
nature and quality of her offence. Wounded in spirit and
prone to superstition, she naturally thought of the restitu-
tion of the crown to her brother as the only atonement she
could make to the memory of her injured father." If the
Pretender could have persuaded himself to change his relig-
ion, there is no doubt that Queen Anne would not only
have given him all her sympathy but her active and open
support. " All would be easy," she remarked to the Duke
of Buckingham, " should he enter the pale of the Church
of England. Advise him to change his religion, as that
only can change the opinions of mankind in his favor."

Besides the Queen, there were many others of the power-

320 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

ful people about the Court, who, apparently, at least, fa-
vored the young Prince ; — some with sincerity — some with
a desire to appear to be on his side in case his star should
be in the ascendant. The Bishop of Rochester, the Earl of
Mar, Ormond, Harcourt, Godolphin and the Earl of Strafford
were all his pronounced adherents. Marlborough, in 171 1,
always looking out for himself, variously offered his 'ser-
vices, as fortune favored, both to the Pretender and the
Elector; and, even before that year, under indignation at
the removal of his son-in-law, Sunderland, from office, had
intrigued with the Court of St. Germain, and tendered his
sword to the Stuart cause : and, it is supposed, that when,
after his dismissal from office, he retired from England to
the Continent, he had done so, under intimation from those
in authority, that it would be wise for him to leave the king-
dom because of his known proclivities for the Stuart dynasty.
The views of Harley in the matter of the English succes-
sion, were always a matter of doubt : both sides claimed
him, as well as his fellow trimmer, St. John. Some time
prior to the final closing of the treaty the Pretender had,
according to its proposed terms, requiring his removal from
France, taken refuge in the dominions of his friend and par-
tisan, the Duke of Lorraine, at Bar-le-Duc ; where the Earl
of Middleton acted as his Secretary of State. During the
years 1 71 2 and 1713, the correspondence between the exiled
Prince and his advisers in France and Lorraine, and the
Jacobite party in England and Scotland, extended through
representatives of all classes, in the latter countries. Great
and particular efforts were made, by the Court at Lorraine,
to cause Harley to take sides against the House of Hanover.
There is no doubt that Harley, at one time, lent an atten-
tive ear to the Jacobite emissaries, and gave them reason to
suppose that, at the proper time, he might take sides with
them. Among the Stuart papers extant are lettei-s between
Jacobite partisans showing that Harley had, at least, indi-
rect communication with the Pretender, and professed to
favor him, representing to the adherents of the latter that
the proper policy was that their chief should change his re-
ligion, in order to secure success. At the same time, how-

CONCERNING THE " PROTESTANT SUCCESSION." 321

ever, Harley was evidently trimming towards the other
side. One of the Jacobite emissaries, in England, thus
wrote to I-orraine : " Harley is for dividing the employ-
ments between High and Low Church, and for having the
choosing of them himself : hoping, by that means, to be
master, whoever gets the crown." In a letter from the
Earl of Middleton to " Berry," an adherent of the Pre-
tender, (March 9, 1713,) we find these words, in crypto-
gram : " This old ParHament is tractable : Harley has an
ascendant over it ; and he cannot be sure of having the
same credit over its successor, nor that Queen Anne herself
will be then in being, and in a condition to support him.
England speaks favorably of the King, (the Pretender,)
at present ; and the generality of the English are dissatis-
fied with the Hanoverians' late behavior : but these gentle-
men being changeable, their hearts may cool. All this con-
sidered, I confess I cannot see any- prudent reason for
Harley's dilatory proceedings : but he, being the chiefest
lawyer, and his own interest being so much concerned, the
King must be governed by him, and comply with what he
cannot help, and, in the mean time, have patience, and hope
the best."

As an illustration of Harley's (Oxford's) secret resolves,
it may be noted, that when the Whigs had invited the
Elector of Hanover to come over with an army, when
Queen Anne was in a low condition of health, Harley intro-
duced a motion, apparently aimed at the Pretender, but
evidently to check the movement of the Whigs, that " for
the further security of the succession it should be made
high treason to bring foreign troops into the kingdom." It
has been supposed by many, that the key to the whole ac-
tion of Harley, (Lord Oxford,) and Bolingbroke, in deserting
the allies, and precipitating the peace, was their desire to
change the Hanover succession, and bring in the Pretender
through French influence. Evidence is not wanting to
show that this design was one of long deliberation. Why, it
has been argued, should the policy of ministers, during the
years 1712 and 1713, have been so directly against the in-
terest of the allies, in many regards, and so conciliatory tow-

322 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

ards France, unless they had some secret and ulterior
design, besides Peace — in which design France might be
useful ^o them ? The separate negotiations with France
were conducted in a surreptitious manner, quite apart from
the other allies ; and false statements were continually
made to the Dutch, as to the attitude and intentions of
England, and as to the condition of the negotiations with
France, as they progressed. All the transactions with the
Dutch are charged as marked with duplicity and bad faith.

In the minutes or records of the operations of M. Mena-
ger in London, in the year 171 1, in arranging the prelimina-
ries between Great Britain and France, an account is given
of a secret transaction, which has an interesting bearing
upon the clause in the Treaty, as to the " Protestant suc-
cession." This transaction was conducted through the ever
busy Lady Masham, and was to the effect that, although in
any treaty to be made, a recognition of the Hanoverian
succession would have to be one of the articles — in order to
please the general English public — yet, that the Queen
might have a secret understanding with Louis XIV.; so that,
if circumstances warranted it, he was to act in behalf of the
Stuart succession.

Lady Masham is reported to have thus expressed herself
to M. Menager, as related by the latter. " That the Queen
was obliged, not only against her disposition, but even
against her principles, to further and promote the continu-
ance of the usurpation — not only, beyond her own life, but
forever. That I (Menager) might be sure, under such circum-
stances, that it would be an inexpressible satisfaction to her
Majesty, to see herself delivered from the fatal necessity of
doing so much wrong; and if it could be possible, with
safety to the religion and liberties of her subjects, to have
her brother restored to his right, at least after her decease,
if it could not be done before. That the Queen did not
see through all this : and it seemed next to impossible, the
rage and unreconcilable aversion of the common people to
her brother, being grown to such a height • and that the
Queen found it would be impossible to enter upon any
treaty of peace, or so much as let the people hear of put-

CONCERNING THE " PROTESTANT SUCCESSION." 323

ting an end to the war, without entering into the strongest
engagements possible, for the confirming the succession in
the House of Hanover — ' a thing that I am sure,' continued
Mrs. Masham, ' is all otir aversions ; and we have no retreat
except to his most Christian Majesty, in hopes of his order-
ing things so at this treaty, that he may be at liberty to
support and assist, in this work, whenever an opportunity
should present itself.' That to this end the Plenipotentia-
ries from hence, though there was no communicating any-
thing to them by way of confidence, should be instructed
not to insist upon anything more than necessity obliged,
' and some reserves, sure,' says she, ' may be made to leave room
for justice to take place for time to come' "

Menager, upon his arrival at Utrecht, where, as has been
seen, he acted as one of the Plenipotentiaries of France,
found that the British diplomatists there had not received
the " private instructions " which Lady Masham gave reason
to expect would be sent to them — but he ascertained, after-
wards, that the Ministers in England had had some secret
negotiations with the Pretender's agents in that country,
which were not at all satisfactory to the latter ; they com-
plained to the King of France, that they could not bring
the English Ministers to any point, who only said that " a
person would be sent to Utrecht, charged with the matter."

M. Menager afterwards acknowledged that he had been
hoodwinked by promises from the Earl of Oxford ; but the
Jacobites claimed that it was through their instrumentality
that the clause as to the " succession " was allowed to be in-
serted in the Treaty, and through their influence with the
French king that the Peace was permitted to be concluded.

There is another interesting episode in connection with
the provision in the Treaty above referred to.

The Duke of Hamilton, nominated minister to France,
was killed in a duel by Lord Mohun as he was preparing to
leave England, in November, 1712. As appears by various
letters .and documents, the Duke was selected for the mis-
sion with the special object that he was to procure the Irish
troops in the French service to be conveyed clandestinely,
with the Pretender, to Scotland. The scheme of Queen

324 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Anne and the ministry is stated to have been, that, there-
upon, a treaty should be entered into with the Pretender,
so soon as he was fairly established in Scotland, by which
the Queen was to permit him to remain, during her life, in
that country, with the character of presumptive heir to the
Crown; and his friends in Parliament were so numerous
that the Queen was sanguine that she could cause the act
of settlement to be repealed.

In the year of the Queen's decease, also, the Duke of Or-
mond, who was Captain General of the Army, made stren-
uous efforts to place those in command who were in the in-
terest of the Pretender. Officers supposed to be well af-
fected were courted and advanced in the service, and those
who were firm for the Protestant succession were provoked
to resign. Those who were doubtful were privately inter-
viewed, and asked if they would come into the Queen's
' measures, and " obey her Majesty in everything without ask-
ing questions" and suspicious oiificers were directed to retire.

The Duke of Argyle, the Earl of Stair, and others of high
rank, were ordered to give up their military positions ; and
vacancies were filled with Papists or Jacobites. In fact, the
army was being rapidly purged of all except those who
were inclined to the Stuart cause, which was openly advo-
cated in conversation, and by pamphlets freely circulated.

The pertinacious adherence by the Pretender, however,
to the Roman faith caused the failure of all plans in his be-
half. His persistency in this decision was creditable to his
honor and to his principles. It was asserted by him, in
response to all applications to change his religious faith,
that any change that he might make, in that regard, would
not be considered sincere — and he would moreover go upon
the throne, if he professed the religious belief desired, with
the consciousness of being a deceiver and a hypocrite.

CHAPTER XXXI.

After the Peace. — Queen Anne. — Her Address to Parliament. — Action
of that Body. — Quarrel between Oxford and Bolingbroke. — Death of
the Queen. — Disgrace of Oxford and Bolingbroke. — Ormond, Straf-
ford and Prior indicted for High Treason. — Atterbury's Punishment.
— Marlborough's Return. — The Rancor of the Powers continued. —
Attempts to violate the Treaty. — Philip's efforts to regain his Domin-
ions. — Alberoni's Schemes. — The Triple Alliance. — The Quadruple
Alliance. — War reneVved. — Repression of Philip.

The Peace was very much, practically, the work of Queen
Anne. Many of the actions of Oxford and Bolingbroke, in
bringing it to a conclusion, were the results of her personal
direction. She, frequently, attended the meetings of the
Ministers ; and is related to have proposed, in council, the
orders rendering Ormond's army inactive. Bolingbroke was
going to object to them, as he subsequently stated ; but,
after the Queen had delivered her views to the Council,
"she made a sign with her fan at her mouth," which the
Lords knew she never made, except when she "was deter-
mined on a measure. -.Bolingbroke and the others there-
upon acquiesced, although he, subsequently, sought to
throw the blame upon Oxford.

Queen Anne, no doubt, felt a deep personal interest in
carrying to a successful termination the negotiations at
Utrecht. Her efforts for it, during the last three years, had
been unceasing ; and to bring it about she had promoted
the great change of political parties and of ministers in
Great Britain.

The war of the " Succession " had been begun at the com-
mencement of her reign ; and, as a woman and as a human-
itarian, she had felt that it was time that the devastation
and carnage throughout Europe should cease — and as a
Sovereign, that the interests of the great States she gov-
erned would have their interests materially promoted by
Peace. To her persistent efforts much of the credit of ter-

325

326 7'HE HISTOR Y OF A GREA T TREA TY.

minating the past terrible period of bloodshed and misery
is due.

Towards the end of April, 1713, the Queen thus ad-
dressed Parliament: "I have deferred opening the session,
until now ; — being desirous to communicate to you, at your
first meeting, the success of this important affair. It is,
therefore, with pleasure, I tell you, the Treaty is signed ; and
in a few days the ratifications will be exchanged. The nego-
tiation has been drawn into so great a length, that all our
allies have had sufficient opportunity to adjust their several
interests. What I have done for securing the Protestant
succession, and the perfect friendship there is between me
and the house of Hanover, may convince such who wish
well to both, and desire the quiet and safety of their coun-
try, how vain all attempts are to divide us."

The two houses thereupon, after some opposition in the
Lords, passed a resolution of thanks and confidence in the
Queen ; although the texts of the Treaties had not yet
been put before them. Ratifications were exchanged on
the 28th of April ; and on the 5th of May, the Peace was
announced, by proclamation.

On the texts of the Treaties being submitted to Parlia-
ment, there was much dispute over the terms of the Treaty
of Commerce with France; but, with some difficulty,
through the exertions of ministers, a vote of thanks and '
congratulation to the Queen was carried : but this ^sanction
was of no protection to them from the wrath of the Whigs,
as subsequent events proved. Shortly, afterwards, a vote -^
was passed, praying the Queen to take measures to have
the Pretender removed from Lorraine, where he had estab-
lished his Court : to which request the Queen returned a
curt and somewhat equivocal answer : her feelings towards
her brother and the Stuart party grew stronger, daily, and
her aversion to the House of Hanover more pronounced.
The sentiments of her ministers, also, as has been seen, were
somewhat in accord with her own ; and, had her reign been
prolonged, the Stuart party might have gained such
strength as to have made the accession of the House of

OXFORD AND BOLINGBROKE'S QUARREL. 327

Kanover in Great Britain, quite as difficult as was that of
Philip v., in Spain.

Not long after the conclusion of the Congress, at Utrecht,
Marlborough and his Whig friends had some consolation
for their numerous defeats and the indignities which had
been heaped upon them, in the dissensions which arose be-
tween their two great opponents, Oxford and Bolingbroke,
— rivals in ambition and power. When at the height of
their influence and rule, after Marlborough had been dis-
graced, the Whigs utterly subdued, and the peace accom-
plished, they became competitors for the royal favor, and
contended for supreme political ascendency : their feelings
towards each other became most bitter and vindictive — the
stronger for their past accord and the knowledge of each
other's secrets and character. Bolingbroke supposed he
had been used as a "cat's paw," to do all the hard work,
and to receive most of the blame connected with the
Treaty. He also nurtured a feeling of jealousy against Ox-
ford, in that the latter had been created an " Earl " — while
he, Bolingbroke, — the genius — the scholar-^the statesman
— was only made a Viscount. Bolingbroke, too, had been
refused the honor oiJCa.^" Garter" \)y his coadjutor, when
the latter had, at his disposal, several of the appendages
of that much coveted but absurd " order. "

There was also a question on the division of certain prof-
its to be made out of the nefarious " Assiento " or slave com-
pact, in which the Queen, the two Ministers and Lady
Masham, in accordance with the political morals of the
times, were to have a share. Oxford, for some reason, had
refused to take his portion, which made the others suspicious
of him. Lady Masham, formerly Oxford's great ally, had
also a special grudge against him, for a matter arising out
of the Quebec expedition, from which she had expected to
make a large sum of money. Oxford had refused her what
she had desired — but Bolingbroke, subsequently, acquired
it for her ; and thus gained her good-will.

The Queen was much inclined to favor Bolingbroke, who
had managed, now, entirely to win to his side, the conji-
dante, Masham. Bolingbroke, a,lso, had adroitly expressed

328 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

his predilection for the Stuart restoration ; and, thereby,
won much additional favor from Queen Anne, who daily,
as she grew older and weaker, in spite of her speeches to
Parliament, became more indisposed toward the House of
Hanover, and yearned, with a family feeling, towards her
exiled brother, who, by the terms of the Treaty, was to be
exiled from French territory.

Oxford's disgrace is supposed to have been also due to the
machinations of the friends of the Pretender, whose views
on the subject, in complaint of Oxford's lukewarmness, are
said to have been communicated to the Queen : * his dila-
tory and suspicious policy had irritated and disappointed
them ; and they looked upon the bold, adventurous Boling-
broke as the proper man to be the champion of their party
at the English court.

In fact, when Bolingbroke became virtually Prime Min-
ister, he projected a Cabinet substantially of Jacobites:
among them figured Atterbury, the intriguing Bishop of
Rochester, Ormond, Harcourt, and ' the Earl of Strafford :
the Earl of Mar, also, was to be Secretary of State for
Scotland. Such a Cabinet showed plainly what was to be
attempted. Measures were also taken to Control the army
and to secure certain important ports and fortresses.

By the fall of his opponent, who was dismissed from
office, the triumph of Bolingbroke seemed complete : but
fortune turned against him, and the Queen, worn out by the
violent altercations carried on, even in her presence, by her
two ministers, which she declared "would finish her," died
on the 1st of August, 1714, three days after the dismissal
of Oxford, — and both the two prominent actors in the con-
clusion of the great treaty of Utrecht, on the peaceable ac-
cession of the Hanover dynasty, fell into disgrace — and
soon disappeared from the political scene.

When feeling that her end was near, the Queen sent for
the Bishop of London and made a sort of confession to
him, particularly relating to her brother. As the Bishop
took leave of her to go out of the room, he said, aloud, in
the presence of the Duchess of Ormond and others there ;
* See Appendix.

THE WHIGS RETURN TO POWER. 3^9

"Madame, I will obey your commands — I'll declare your
mind — but it will cost me my head ! " The Queen proposed
to receive the Sacrament on the next day ; but died before
it could be administered.

As she lay on her death-bed, frequently crying out in her
distress of mind and body, " Oh, my brother — what will
become of you? — Oh — my poor brother!" staunch Jacob-
ites were holding secret council in an adjoining room, and
endeavoring to induce Ormond, the Captain General of the
army, to take the bold step of proclaiming the Pretender.
Ormond's resolution, however, failed him ; and the Elector
of Hanover came over to his new kingdom, and took pos-
session with no disturbance, except the occasional hootings
of the mob at the German interloper and his brace of
coarse mistresses.

The Whigs, on their accession to power, bitterly resent-
ing the treatment they had received, at the hands of the
two fallen statesmen, immediately undertook their punish-
ment. When George's first Parliament was assembled, in
the spring of 1715, one of the first steps taken was to ap-
point a special Committee, to inquire into the secret negoti-
ations that had preceded the Peace of Utrecht, and the
commercial Treaty with France. Robert Walpole was the
first chairman. In about two months the committee pro-
duced their report, which was a very searching and elabo-
rate one, and highly denunciatory of the late Ministers.
On its being presented to the House, Harley* and Prior
were taken into custody.

The report charges that many books, letters and reports,
inculpating the late Ministers, had been destroyed by them.
The principal facts found by the committee related to the
secret intrigues carried on by the Ministers with France,
apart from the allies ; the charge being, that the action of
the former was a betrayal of the interests of their country
and that of the allies — -all in the interest of France. The
report further charges that the whole proceedings at
Utrecht were made subordinate to the machinations of
Oxford and BoHngbroke ; and that the refusal of the
French Plenipotentiaries to give their answers in writing
* Brother of Oxford.

33° THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

to the "demands" of the various allies at Utrecht, was
concerted with the English Ministers ; and that the French
were given to understand that business was not to be done
at Utrecht, but by negotiations directly between London
and Versailles ; and that the Dutch were forced to come
into the Queen's measures without knowing what they
were, and that the withdrawal of Ormond's forces was made
in order to force them (the Dutch) to do so. The charge
is also made that the orders to Ormond to withdraw his
troops were directly in the interest of France, and led to
the defeat of the aUies, at Denain. Bolingbroke's secret
negotiations in person with De Torcy are also denounced,
and his neglect to make any provision in favor of the Cat-
alans, His operations also are all charged as having for
their motive the bringing in of the Pretender. The two
Ministers are also accused with having deceived the Queen,
as to the true state of affairs, and with inserting false state-
ments in her speeches to Parliament.

Walpole, who had his own personal grudge against the
fallen statesmen, and who was inclined to consider all men
as rogues, on the presentation of the report, denounced
the late Ministers, in a bitter and vehement speech, as cor-
rupt and unprincipled traitors ; and only two members of
the House stood up to oppose their impeachment. It was
evident that there would be no favor with the new Ministry,
or at Court, for those who should dare to take the side of
the accused. Justice or truth, in those days, weighed
lightly against self-interest ; which seems to have been the
main political "principle." George I. had no liking for
Oxford or Bolingbroke. As Elector, he was strongly op-
posed to the Peace, on the terms on which it was made ;
and, in 171 1, when the preliminary terms of Peace were
beginning to be promulgated, had strongly written to Ox-
ford deprecating any peace by which Spain and the Indies
should be left to Philip. The old Electress, Sophia, had
expressed herself in the same manner. In writing to the
Earl of Strafford, she says, "If you had been willing to ac-
cept Peace on those terms, a great deal of blood and a great
deal of the money of England might have been saved."

DISGRACE OF BOLINGBROKE. 331

The feeling of the new King, therefore, was strong
against the Ministers who had been engaged in negotiations
for a peace which had caused the desertion of the German
troops by their English allies, and the subsequent defeats
of the former, owing to such desertion.

George I., also, had been well informed of the schemes
and double dealing of Oxford and Bolingbroke ; and, in
spite of their many letters and despatches sent to him,
during the last few years, overflowing with expressions of
zeal for his service, he believed that they were disaffected
towards his family, and would have prevented his accession
to the Crown, if they had been able to do so.

The Elector had not been very anxious to leave his
dominions, to reign in Great Britain ; and the intrigues and
the troubles connected with the succession, particularly
during the year 17 14, became so great, that he began to
be quite indifferent about the throne he saw it was so diffi-
cult to mount. Still — now that he had secured it — he
knew who had been his opponents and was quite willing to
have them punished ; and, on his arrival in England had
treated the fallen ministers with contumely ; and Boling-
broke — although still, nominally, Secretary of State — was
refused an audience.

These and other signs were not lost upon that adroit
statesman. Fully apprehending the coming storm, he was
not disposed to wait for it to break on his head; and,
escaping in disguise, took refuge in France ; where he was,
of course, received with enthusiasm. On abruptly quitting
England, he left behind the following letter, which was
printed and extensively circulated.

" Dover, Tjth March, 171 5.
"My Lord: I left the town so abruptly that I had no
time to take leave of you or any of my friends. You will
excuse me when you know that I had certain and repeated
informations, from some who are in the secret of affairs,
that a resolution was taken by those who have the power
to execute it, to pursue me to the scaffold. My blood was
to be the cement of a new alliance : nor could my inno-

332 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

cence be any security, after it had been once demanded,
from abroad, and resolved on, at home, that it was neces-
sary to cut me off. Had there 'been the least reason to
hope for a fair and open trial, after having been already
prejudged, unheard, by the two houses of Parliament, I
should not have declined the strictest examination.

" * * * It is a comfort that will remain with me, in all
my misfortunes, that I served her Majesty dutifully and
faithfully, in that especially which she had most at heart,
relieving her people from a bloody and expensive war ;
and that I have always been too much an Englishman to
sacrifice the interests of my country to any foreign ally
whatsoever: and 'tis for this crime only that I am now
driven from thence.

" You will hear from me more at large, in a short time.

" Yours, etc.,

" BOLINGBROKE."

Writing some time afterwards, Bolingbroke thus gives
vent to the reasons and feelings that prompted his de-
parture.

"Among several bloody resolutions proposed and agi-
tated, at this time, the resolution of impeaching me of
high treason was taken : and I took that of leaving Eng-
land, not in a panic terror, improved by the artifices of the
Duke of Marlborough, whom I knew, even at that time,
too well, to act by his advice or information, in any case ;
but, on such grounds as the proceedings which followed
sufficiently justified, and such as I have never repented
building upon. Those who blamed it, in the first heat,
were soon after obliged to change their language : for what
other resolution could I take ? The method of prosecution
designed against me would have put me out of a condition
immediately to act for myself, or to serve those who were
less exposed than me, but who were, however, in danger.
On the other hand, how few there were on whose assistance
I could depend, or to whom I would, even in those cir-
cumstances, be obliged ! The ferment of the nation was
wrought up to a considerable height ; but there was, at

BOLINGBROKE DISMISSED BY THE PRETENDER. 333

that time, no reason to ^expect that it could influence the
proceedings of Parliament in favor of those who should be
accused : left to its own movement it was more proper to
quicken than to slacken the prosecution, and who was
there to guide its motions? "

Bolingbroke, having abandoned the realm, in March,
1715, suffered the proceedings attainting him to treason to
go by default. He was formally declared to be degraded
from his nobility, to be attainted in blood, and condemned
to suffer the penalty of death on the scaffold, should he
again set foot in England.

The exiled peer was now free to give his Jacobite pro-
clivities full play, and made his obeisance at the miniature
Court, at Lorraine, where he was warmly welcomed, as a
valuable addition to the proscribed cause. He was now
honored with the title oi " Earl" — long the object of his
desires — and was made Secretary of State to his new sov-
ereign — neither being much of a compensation for his
exile, and for being razed from the roll of English Peers.

Not being able to lend himself to all the small machina-
tions and intrigues of the petty Court, at Commercy, and
being accused of want of zeal in his new functions, Boling-
broke was dismissed soon after the Pretender's return from
his unfortunate expedition to Scotland ; and, singularly
enough, was put under impeachment by that personage,
for not properly attending to the duties of Secretary of
State, in matters relating to the expedition : against all
which Bolingbroke made explanations that showed that the
failure of the enterprise could not properly be laid to his
door. Being dismissed by the Pretender, Bolingbroke
passed, for a time, at Paris a very gay existence ; his life
in the French capital showing him less of a philosopher
than his writings would have us believe. He subsequently
was fortunate, his wife having died, in marrying a French
woman of rank, means and high culture.

In due time, another phase occurred in his checkered
career. In July, 1716, he was pardoned by George I., so
far as his personal safety was concerned, and returned to
England in 1723. His pardon was mainly due to the influ-

334 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

ence of one of the German adventuresses at the English
Court, and prime favorite of the King — the Duchess of
Kendal — formerly Madame Schulemberg, commonly called
^^"Maypoler The intercession of this influential dame
with Walpole, obtained for the consideration of eleven
thousand pounds, accomplished the desired result. Subse-
quently Bolingbroke's estates were restored to him ; and
except with an occasional abortive effort to obtain political
consequence, he finished his days in the pursuits of litera-
ture, and in philosophic reflection? on the eventful Past.
The vicissitudes of life became a favorite subject of his
contemplations.

Amid the storm, Oxford remained calm and self-reliant,
although accused of high treason, denounced as a traitor
and sent to the Tower. His friends advised him to seek
safety in flight from the vengeance of his political and per-
sonal foes ; but, satisfied of the moral rectitude of his past
conduct, and conscious of no treasonable action, as a Min-
ister, he preferred to await, in England — broken in fortune
and health — the issue of what fate had still in store for him.

"They were quite mistaken," remarks Pope, "who
thought to get rid of him, by advising him to make his
escape from the Tower. He would have set out the storm,
let the danger be what it would. He was a steady man,
and had a great firmness of soul ; and would have died un-
concernedly, or perhaps, like Sir Thomas More, with a jest
in his mouth." None of the charges against Oxford could
have been proved as matters of fact, and, even if they had,
would not, properly, have subjected him to the charge of
Treason. He had acted as a Tory Minister, representing
the Tory party and its professed views and principles ; and
had used his power, as head of that party, to carry out
those views and principles — which were also those of his
sovereign. A schism, in the Whig ranks, prevented Ox-
ford's trial from coming to any conclusion ; and he was
released from imprisonment, after two years' confinement,
much to the chagrin of the extreme Whigs, and, particu-
larly so, to Marlborough and his friends, who had been
restored to honor and power. Oxford's after life was peace-

IMPEACHMENT OF STRAFFORD AND OTHERS. 335

fully passed (like that of his rival), in the pursuits of liter-
ature — apart from the cares of state, and the risks and toils
of a political life. Pope's fine lines on Oxford may here be
recalled :

" A soul supreme — in each hard instance tried,
Above all pain, all passion, and all pride,
The rage of power, the blast of public breath.
The lust of lucre, and the dread of death."

Another busy figurant on these historic scenes also, at
this time, disappeared. Ormond, under apprehension of
an impeachment for high treason, hurriedly left England.
He tried to persuade Oxford to fly with him, but the latter
stolidly refused. Their parting words are said to have
been, "Farewell, Oxford, without a head!" — to which
Oxford responded, " Farewell, Duke, without a Duchy ! "
Ormond never returned to England, but took part in the
rash expedition of the Pretender, in 171 5.

The Earl of Strafford, one of the English Plenipotenti-
aries at Utrecht, was also impeached, by the triumphant
Whigs, for high crimes and misdemeanors. He was ac-
cused of being the adviser of measures most dishonorable
to England, and pernicious to her interests ; and, as being
the "tool of a Frenchified Ministry!'^ The Bishop of
Bristol, another of the Plenipotentiaries, was, apparently,
not troubled : he, as well as Strafford, being probably finally
considered as mere instruments, moved by the leading
minds, who conducted the political game, outside of the
Congress.

Prior, also, a humbler but active performer in the peace
proceedings, was thrown into prison, under charges of high
treason, based principally upon his secret negotiations with
France, in 171 2, and for having secretly harbored in his
house, Menager and the Abb6 Gaultier, by whom the clan-
destine peace negotiations were initiated. After remain-
ing in prison for about two years, he was discharged, with-
out trial. Bishop Atterbury, also, the constant Tory and
the persistent Jacobite, felt the wrath of the Whigs.
Atterbury was a man of great learning and independent

33^ THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

spirit, and the boldest of the Jacobites in England. Al-
though apparently devoted to spiritual matters and liter-
ary pursuits, he had been a busy political plotter for many
years past ; and kept up a direct correspondence with the
Pretender. In spite of his sworn allegiance to the House
of Hanover, he continued his plotting, after George was on
the throne. In 1717, he had thus written to the Pretender:
" My daily prayer is that you may have success : may I live
to see that day, and live no longer than I do what is in my
power to forward it." On the discovery of a new plot to
bring in the Stuart Prince, a bill of Pains and Penalties was
brought in against the Bishop, and he was deprived of his
spiritual dignities and banished for life. He left England,
in 1723, and lived in France for nine years: his body was
brought to England in 1732, and interred in his vault in
Westminster Abbey.

With the new dynasty Marlborough reappeared in Eng-
land. In spite of his proclivities for the Stuarts, and the offer
of his services to the Jacobite House, Marlborough, after his
humiliation in England, had managed to remain on very
good terms with the Elector.

During the war, he and the Elector had kept up an active
correspondence, military and otherwise ; and the former
was, generally, informed by Marlborough of army plans and
movements.

Marlborough's letters were full of zeal and hope for the
Hanoverian succession ; and the Elector's communications
were friendly, and full of appreciation of the Duke's great
services to the allies. Under date of August, 17 10, a letter
was written by Marlborough to the Elector, expressing his
strong attachment for the Electoral family, and charging
Harley and his party with a design to bring back the Stu-
arts. In a communication, also, written on April 11, 1713,
Marlborough thanks the Elector for giving him two and a-
half per cent, on the moneys received for the pay of the lat-
ter's troops ; and also acknowledges, with profuse thanks,
the reception of a commission to act as commander of the
English troops, immediately on the Queen's decease. He

ATTEMPTS TO VIOLATE THE TREATY. 337

also, in the letter, advises the Elector to go over to Eng-
land, without delay.

It therefore appears that Marlborough and the Elector
were on very good 'terms, at about the date of the signing
of the peace : and yet, the Elector was always suspicious
of the great commander; he knew of the latter's double
dealings and of his recent intercourse with the Stuarts ; and
although desiring to keep on good terms With so powerful
and useful a subject, and having a high regard for his
genius and appreciation of his military exploits, did not
venture to entrust him, on coming to the throne, with any
high post connected with affairs of State. Marlborough
was much chagrined not to find his name among the Lord
Justices for the "quasi" Regency of the Kingdom, until
King George should appear. He was, however, restored to
his military commands, which, now, were attended with few
active duties.

It took a long time for the passions of the belligerents
to cool, after the heat and bitterness of the long war ; the
great Peace did not seem stable — and no one was satisfied.
The rancor between the Emperor and Philip V., for a long
time, was unappeased ; and there was no provision, in the
Treaty with the Emperor, by which Philip's right to the
Spanish throne was acknowledged.

It seemed as if the Treaties made for the repose of
Europe were only to be temporary compacts — merely to
give breathing time for new attacks by States, thirsting for
dominion and jealous of each other's power. No sooner, in
fact, were they made, than many of the Sovereigns, that
seemed heartily to concur in them, set to work to evade
their provisions.

Louis XIV. delayed, so long, the stipulated razing of
Dunkirk, as to awaken the apprehension of Great Britain.
When, at last, under remonstrance, he could no longer
decently postpone the work of demolition, he avoided the
spirit of the Treaty, by pushing on, rapidly, the work of a
new canal at Moerdyk, which was of unusual width and had
communication, from the sea, with the basin at Dunkirk :
this new canal was to be protected by forts and bastions.

338 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Louis' letter, in answer to the remonstrances of the Brit-
ish Ministry, with reference to Dunkirk and the alleged
building of the harbor at Moerdyk, was to the effect that
Dunkirk was, in fact, being entirely razed ; and that the
new canal, at Moerdyk, was merely to receive the waters of
other smaller canals, and to keep the country from being
submerged, by securing proper outlets to the sea. This
reply was not satisfactory to the British Ministry; and such
strong remonstrances were sent to Paris, on the subject,
■that the works at Moerdyk were eventually suspended.

Louis, also, took no pains to put a stop, within his
dominions, to the schemes of the Pretender whose Court
was still plotting not only at Lorraine but in France.
That personage continued to receive secret aid from the
French King, whose constitutional animosity against Eng-
land did not seem to be abated by the Peace.

The Regent of France, who succeeded Louis XIV., was
disposed to keep the peace with England : although evi-
dently favoring the Pretender, and subsequently giving
him substantial aid in spite of the terms of the Treaty.
By the Regent's laxity, in the matter, the Pretender was
able to make his preparations for the expedition of 1715;
and had no difficulty in embarking from Dunkirk, in the
autumn of that year,

THE ATTEMPTS. OF PHILIP AND ALBERONI, AND RENEWAL
OF THE WAR.

The Spanish King, no longer a beleaguered fugitive,
flying about his Kingdom, particularly chafed under the
terms of the Treaty. The varying fortunes of the wai? of
the Succession had schooled him in making ventures and
taking risks, and had developed in him, energy and com-
bative qualities. He longed to be, again, a great figure in
European politics, and aimed, as a conqueror, to imitate
the career of his great predecessor, Charles V. Gibraltar,
in the possession of the English and commanding the
Mediterranean, was a continual irritation to the national
pride, and Philip was eager to be again in the field, at the

SCHEMES OF ALBERONI. 339

head of his faithful Spaniards, to attempt the reconquest of
that fortress and of his former Italian possessions. The
new Queen of Philip, Elizabeth of Parma, was particularly-
active and diligent in her efforts to persuade him to recover
the former possessions of Spain in Italy. Another great
agitator now appeared upon the European political scene.

Guilio Alberoni was the son of an Italian vine-dresser —
brought up to the Church ; and was advanced through the
favor of the Duke of Vendome, with whom he acted as
Secretary in some of his campaigns, and who was pleased
with his obsequiousness and coarse manners. Alberoni
was assisted, also, by the Princess des Ursins — who ruled
the court — but, subsequently, on the introduction of Eliza-
beth of Parma as Queen of Spain, he ungratefully assisted
the Queen in driving out the famous Camarera mayor of
her predecessor.

This man, subsequently created cardinal, became Prime
Minister of Philip, in Spain, in 1714, and ruled the Court
and the State, with a master hand. Ambitious and un-
scrupulous, he desired to play the role of a Richelieu in
European affairs, and adopted a violent and aggressive
foreign policy. To carry out his views he kept the King
secluded from all approach, and set to work to scatter to
the winds the great Treaties of Utrecht, and to create bad
blood between France and Spain and break up the friend-
ship and alliance between the two countries connected as
they were by the ties of blood and interest, which it was
vainly hoped would have made their concord perfect, for
many generations. Alberoni had three grand plans in
view. The first was to create a revolution, in Great Brit-
ain, in favor of the Pretender ; and, in that view, to give
him material aid and support : the second was to recover
for Spain her former Italian possessions ; and the third
plan was to provoke a Revolution in France, by which
the Regency might be taken from the Duke of Orleans ;
and the Crown of France, in violation of the terms of the
Treaty of Utrecht and the renunciations, be placed upon
the head of Philip — his son, the Prince of Asturias, to re-
main in Spain, as sovereign over that country.

34° THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

To carry out the first plan, Alberoni made a compact
with the King of Sweden, by which that monarch was to
make a descent in Scotland, with a large force, to operate
with the Jacobites, in that country. To carry out his plan
for the recovery of Spain's former possessions in Italy,
Alberoni entered into a compact with the Sultan ; by which
the Turks were to make a diversion, by attacking Hungary,
while Spanish forces were to take possession of Sicily.

To carry out the plan of revolutionizing France and
driving out the Regent, a sudden illness of the young King,
which seemed of a serious character, gave favorable oppor-
tunity. Cellamare, the Spanish Ambassador at Paris,
received instructions to begin a series of intrigues there,
and to build up a party adverse to the Regency. Cella-
mare had little trouble in gaining over to his views the
Duke du Maine, who had been degraded, by the Regent,
from his rank as Prince of the blood, which rank, although
a bastard son of Louis XIV., he had enjoyed by a decree of
Parliament. The Duchess du Maine was also deep in the
conspiracy ; also the Cardinal de Polignac, and many other
influential people, particularly those in the Magistracy,
Church and Parliament, who were disgusted with the Re-
gent, his policy, his morals and his wild financial schemes.
Many adherents of the old Court were, also, prominent in
the matter.

The daring project was formed to seize the person of the
Regent, by three hundred armed conspirators disguised as
members of fiie body-guard, and to carry him into Spain.
But there were too many persons concerned in the con-
spiracy, for the preservation of the secrecy necessary for
its success : it was soon brought to light, and Cellamare,
although an Ambassador, was put under arrest, and, soon
after, sent back to Spain.

We find, at this time, existing the extraordinary combina-
tion of France, Great Britain and Holland, rendered appre-
hensive by the various designs of Alberoni and the Spanish
Court, engaged by a Treaty of triple alliance, entered into,
in January, 1717, in order to put a stop to the ambitious
prDC£e.dings of Philip and his aggressive Minister. This

THE " TRIPLE ALLIANCE!' 341

Treaty was brought about, mainly, by the indefatigable
exertions of the Abbd Dubois, the sagacious Minister of
the Regent, who saw its necessity to prevent another gen-
eral European war: and to firmly establish the Regent in
his power and government. By the terms of this compact,
in return for the assistance of France to check the opera-
tions of the Pretender, and to oppose the operations of
Alberoni, in that regard, the principles and terms of the
Treaty of Utrecht were confirmed by Great Britain, and
the succession in France as provided by that Treaty, as
well as the Protestant succession in Great Britain, were to
be maintained by force of arms : and the troops to be sup-
plied by each Power, for those purposes, were apportioned.
France was to cause the Pretender to leave Avignon where
he then was, and to make his residence beyond the Alps —
and he was thereafter to have no shelter in France or in
Holland. By the terms of this Treaty, also, the Port of
Moerdyk was to be destroyed ; and no harbor was to be
dug within six miles of Dunkirk ; but the canal at Moer-
dyk was to remain, for the purposes of commerce and nav-
igation.

This treaty of the "Triple Alliance," although one of wise
policy, was most unpopular in France. It was considered
dishonorable that that country should be put under condi-
tions, by Great Britain, to remove a foreign prince from
French territory, and should stipulate, further, to drive
him beyond the Alps ; and the condition to destroy the
works at Moerdyk was deemed a weak and servile act of
complaisance towards Great Britain.

In the mean while Alberoni, having gained the support
of Sweden, boldly invaded Sardinia and attacked Sicily :
but the great Powers became aroused ; and, under the
obligations of the above alliance, the Spanish fleet was
completely defeated by that of the English, off Sicily ;
and another fleet, sailing to give aid to the Pretender,
in his operations against Great Britain, was wrecked in the
Bay of Biscay.

A further alliance was formed between the Great Powers
at the end of July, 1818.

342 THE HISTORY OF A GREA T TREA TV.

Here we find, in less than six years after the Peace of
Utrecht, the Emperor joined with France and Great Brit-
ain to oppose Spain, the former great ally of France ; and
the Regent of France arrayed in arms against his cousin.
Holland also became a party to this compact, called in His-
tory the " Quadruple Alliance."

By the terms of this Quadruple Alliance, the Emperor
was to renounce all right to the Spanish Territory over
which Philip V. was then reigning ; and the King of Spain
was to be forever deprived of his former Italian dominions,
but might retain his right of succession to the Duchies of
Parma and Tuscany. The compact also provided that no
protection or refuge should be given to the Pretender in
the territories of any of the contracting Powers, nor any
succor given to him by arms, money or otherwise. The
Treaty also provided that the Powers were bound to re-
spect and preserve the respective dominions and subjects
of each other; and confirmed, expressly, the Treaties of
Utrecht as to the " succession " in France and Great Britain
respectively.

By Article VI. of this Treaty, the Emperor was to have
Sicily in exchange for Sardinia, the Duke of Savoy giving
his assent thereto, in Nov., 1718.

Spain having refused its assent to the terms of the
Quadruple Alliance, and persisting in the accomplishment
of the above mentioned schemes of dominion, a formal
manifesto of grievances was respectively issued by France
and Great Britain against the former country.

The French declaration charges Spain with having vio-
lated the Treaties of Utrecht and of Baden, and with de-
stroying all the hopes of peace ; and with having caused to
be apprehended the return of a war as bloody and obsti-
nate as that which, by those treaties, was terminated. It
was alleged, that France had neglected nothing to stop the
flame of discord that Spain was illuminating, and that, in
concert with Great Britain, she had done all in her power
to make an advantageous accord between the Emperor -and
Spain. But, that, as it was evident that the Spanish Minister
would not moderate his ambitious projects, and, in order

WAR RENEWED. 343

that the repose of Europe should not be again troubled,
the Court of Versailles felt itself obliged, by the terms of
the Quadruple alliance, to declare war against the King of
Spain; but, at the same time, "implored him not to refuse
peace to a people who had brought him up in their bosom,
and who had generously spent their blood and treasure to
maintain him on his throne."

Spain still holding out in its destructive schemes, a formal
declaration of war was made against that country in Jan-
uary, 1 7 19, and early in that year, a French army, under
Marshal Berwick, marched over the frontiers of Spain, and
took possession of several strong places and Provinces;
while an English fleet captured Vigo in Galicia. Great
Britain had also declared war against Spain, in Dec, 1718.

In the manifesto of George I., declaring war, are these
words :

" And it appearing to us, further, from the conduct of the
King of Spain, especially by the instigation and pernicious
counsels, as we perceive, of his Chief Minister (by whose ad-
vice the true interests of Spain seem entirely sacrificed)
that the said king, under pretence of balancing the power
of the Emperor, and securing the liberty of the princes of
Italy, has raised great armies, equipped great numbers of
ships of war, and made unusual preparations by land and
sea, which tended to set afoot dangerous designs of break-
ing through the Treaties of Utrecht and Baden, on which
the peace of Europe was founded ; and of uniting, as occa-
sion should offer, upon one head, the Crowns of France and
Spain, the separation whereof has already cost so much
blood and treasure ; and which ought in all times to come
to be prevented, with the utmost attention, and fenced
against, by all the means which God hath put into the
hands of the neighboring Princes and States concerned in
that fatal event." The King of Spain, seeing that the
French troops did not come over to his side, as he had an-
ticipated, and unable to contend against such odds as were
opposed to him, was reluctantly compelled to give up his
ambitious designs, and proposed a truce. In the mean while
the Turks had made peace with Austria, Charles XII. had

344 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

been killed, and the Pretender had been unfortunate in all
his plans — and peace for Philip had become a necessity.
Soon after, in Feb., 1720, he gave in his adhesion to the
terms of the " Quadruple alliance ; " and, on the demand
of France and the Emperor, was compelled to dismiss the
restless Alberoni.

Thereafter, in June, 1721, a Treaty, for the mutual guar-
anty of their respective dominions to each other, as estab-
lished by the Treaties of Utrecht and Baden, was entered
into by France, Great Britain and Spain.

On 30th April, 1725, the final peace was made between the
Emperor and Spain. By this Treaty the Emperor Charles
VI. at last, acknowledges Philip V. as lawful King of Spain
and the Indies, and as the words of the Treaty read, " Will
likewise let the said King of Spain, his descendants, heirs
and successors, male and female, peaceably enjoy all those
dominions of the Spanish monarchy in Europe, in the In-
dies and elsewhere, the possession whereof was secured to
him by the Treaties of Utrecht, and will never molest him
in the said possession, directly or indirectly, nor assume to
himself any right to the said kingdoms and provinces."

The " Quadruple Alliance," however, was kept up; and
when Philip, subsequently, in 1726, again sought to form
alliances, in order to regain his lost dominions, and in 1727
had actually made an attack on Gibraltar, he was again
reduced to tranquillity by the action of the Allied Powers.
St. Simon, in remarking on Philip's efforts to regain the
French Crown, says, that he could never get out of his
head the validity of the renunciation of his grandmother,
in connection with the will of Charles II. He could not
perceive how that Prince could have a right to dispose of
what he could only hold for his own life. He looked upon
himself as an usurper, therefore ; and, to quiet his scruples,
always retained the hope of returning to France, and never
would exclude himself entirely from the chance of ascend-
ing the throne of his ancestors, if any fatal accident should
befall his nephew.

CHAPTER XXXII.

The Declining Health of Louis XIV. — Efforts to divert him. — Attacks
on Jansenism, by Louis and the Jesuits. — Death of the Duke de
Berry. — Last Malady of the King. — His affecting Interview with his
Great-grandson. — His Speech to his Ministers. — His last Words. —
His Character.^The Views of St. Simon and Voltaire on his Char-
acter and Reign. — Effects of his Reign on France.

This historical study would be incomplete vi^ithout some
reference to the closing period of the life and reign of Louis
XIV., a reign, perhaps, vs^ith the exception of that of
Bonaparte, the most eventful of modern history.

During the year 1715, the great ruler, who, for a period
of upwards of fifty years, had, by his ambitious and rest-
less spirit, kept Europe in a state of agitation and alarm,
and whose influence had been that of ajnaster mind for
good or evil, advanced in years and bowed down by mental
afifliction and grave maladies, became, from day to day,
more incompetent to wield the extensive powers entrusted
to him.

When the great King became failing in his bodily health
and despondent in spirit, everything was done about the
Court to divert his mind, and overcome the grief, lassitude
and ennui which oppressed him. Concerts, theatrical ex-
hibitions and other entertainments were arranged, in his
private rooms, to give amusement to one who had ex-
hausted life and its pleasures. Actors, dancers and singers,
the charms of beauty and the luxuries of the banquet, how-
ever, now gave no relief to his jaded mind, nor turned it
from its sad contemplations. Madame de Maintenon, who
had the task of entertaining him, exclaimed in despair:
" What a punishment to have to amuse a man who is no
longer to be r mused ! "

The diversions of Courts, the dreams of ambition, the
incense of flattery no longer beguiled him from reflections
on the vanity of life, nor from an appreciation of its mourn-

34S

346 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

ful realities. He had been chastened in his pride, and
humbled in his power. The Past had chronicled disap-
pointments and humiliations, as well as triumphs, — and
was reviewed with regret or self-condemnation. The
Future opened visions of terror which no reflection on his
own grandeur could shut out ; and Conscience — sternest of
judges — began to unfold her pages, and to point to the
records of a life of vice, and to defeds of selfishness and
crime.

A prey to superstitious influences, and always prone to
sectarian bigotry rather than tp sincere devotion, the King
had taken refuge in a new war against freedom of thought,
under the influence of De Maintenon and of his confessor,
the Jesuit Le Tellier. Jansenism was now the object of
attack; and the famous Bull, " Unigenitus," of September,
1713, concocted by Le Tellier and his confreres, condemn-
ing, as heretical, many theretofore orthodox doctrines of
the Roman Church, was the result ; and divided the French
Church into two bittejly contending parties. One hundred
and one propositions upheld by Quesnel and other fol-
lowers of Jansenius, Bishop of Ypres, were the subjects of
this new crusade by the Pope, the King, and the Jesuits ;
who formed alliance against anything that looked like
Evangelicism in the Holy Church.

Subsequently, the decease of another grandson, the Duke
de Berry, added to" the many afflictions which desolated
the spirit of the King, during these latter days ; and dulled
the satisfaction he had experienced at overcoming all
obstacles, and, at length, restoring peace to his afflicted
country. The Duke de Berry died in May, 1714, after a
few days' illness, of a mysterious disorder that bore a
' strong similarity to that which had carried off his brother,
the Duke of Burgundy, and the wife of the latter. The
deceased Prince is recorded as being sensible, truthful and
just— gay and frank in disposition, — :and, theretofore, in
robust health. Poison was again suspected — but the mys-
terious hand that gave the cup remained unknown.

The King, himself, about the middle of August, 171 5,
was attacked by his last malady, in an acute form. His

LAST DA YS OF LOUIS XIV. 347

legs swelled, and gangrene became apparent, which gradu-
ally ate away his life, in great suffering. On seeing this,
the fickle Court began to waver in its homage, and to ilutter
towards the long despised Duke of Orleans — the supposed
rising sun — who became, now, active in his machinations
for the Regency. The temporary relief afforded by palli-
atives, especially those prescribed by a quack, from Mar-
seilles, who claimed, also, to cure, at times, brought back
the sensitive Court, and the crowd about the future Regent
sensibly diminished : but the malady was deep and mortal,
and neither the subserviency of courtier nor the science
of physician, nor the elixir of empiric, could stop the prog-
ress of the fell disease, that preyed remorselessly upon the
King. The oblivion and relief of sleep, even, was denied
him, under the terrible pains that tortured the body and
distracted the spirit.

Some days before his decease, he called for the heir to
the Crown of France, his little great-grandson, then about
five years of age. As he reclined on his last bed, the dying
King spoke to his future successor, in the presence of the
assembled ministers and nobles, these pathetic and touch-
ing words, — ^words which were ever in the memory of
Louis XV. — but never acted on :

" My child, you will soon be the King of a great king-
dom, — that which I recommend most strongly to you, is
to never forget your obligations towards God. Remember
that you owe him all that you are. Try to preserve peace
with your neighbors. I have been too fond of war — do not
imitate me in that, nor in the great expenses I have wiade.
Take advice in all things, — and try to ascertain the best
course and follow it. Console your people as much as is in
your power, and do that which I have been unable to ac-
complish, myself. Never forget the obligations you owe to
Madame de Ventadour. Madame " (addressing her), " let
me embrace him." Then taking the little child in his arms,
and embracing him, the King, deeply affected, said :

" My dear child, I give you my benediction, with my
whole heart." As the little Prince was about being taken
off the bed, the King asked for and embraced him again ;

348 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

and, raising hands and eyes to Heaven, blessed him once
more.

The eyes both of King and child were filled with tears, as
were also those of all the courtiers and attendants present.

What a pathetic and touching picture ! What a striking
and beautiful subject for the pencil of painter, — or the
verse of poet — for the reflection of the moralist and the
philosopher — the once all-powerful monarch now sinking
under the burthen of age and disease, — on the verge of the
unseen world,^ — worn down by the weight of long years
of care and the desolation that had struck his home, — con-
scious, at length, of the helplessness of earthly honors, —
taking, as a last sad delight, to his arms, the innocent child-
king, in all his fresh and bubbling life, and pouring into his
wondering ear, as if in confession, some of the errors and
the sad experiences of a wearied existence.

Turning then to the assembled Ministers and nobles,
the King raising his voice, with earnestness, again spoke : —

" I recommend to you this young King — he is not yet
five years old— what want will he not have of your care
and fidelity ? — Show him the same kindness you have for
me. / recommend you all to avoid wars, — / have made too
many, — they were the cause of m.y loading the people with
burthens — and I seek pardon of God for it."

Wearied by his thoughts and depressed by the disease
that was surely making its dread progress, the once proud
monarch — now abased before the King of Kings — ex-
claimed, at times, as he pondered, with compunction, on
his past career : — " My God ! life or death is all one to me
now ! — I only ask you for my salvation. — I have no resti-
tutions to make as a private man, but, as a Prince, who
will pay the debts of the Kingdom? — My God! I hope in
your mercy. — I suffer — but I do not suffer enough ; and
that is what afflicts me ! "

Lingering in anguish, from day to day, waiting for the
event, he cried : " Oh, my God ! when will you bestow the
grace on me of delivering me from this miserable life ? It
is a long time since I have desired it, and I ask you for it,
now, with my whole soul."

DBA TH OF LOUIS XIV. 349

What a commentary — such dreary words — on past pride
and power!

Louis' departure from life was characterized by decency,
tranquillity and firmness, — and, it may be said, by repent-
ance towards God and man — a repentance not infrequent,
when age aftd disease have brought home their sad lessons
of human helplessness. There was no more affectation of
grandeur or superiority; but, there was ever the courtesy
that had graced his life, and that caused him, even now,
to ask pardon of those at his bedside, who were moved to
tears, for the distress he was causing them.

Wearied with these sad scenes, on the 30th of August,
in the evening, Madame de Maintenon set off, for St. Cyr
— never again to behold the man who had ever treated her
with confidence and respect, and whose generous kindness
had raised her from obscurity to grandeur in the State.

At length, overcome by the great conqueror of all, and
abandoned by her he had loved, on the first of September,
Louis XIV. quitted the scenes of his pride and his power.
He exclaimed as the sceptre, at last, fell from his relaxing
hands —

" Now is the hour of death, — Oh ! my God ! come to my
aid — and hasten to succor me ! "

Thus passed from the great political arena, in the 72d
year of his age and the 57th of his reign, another royal
shadow, to its last account !

The decease of Louis XIV. closed an eventful epoch of
European history. An epoch characterized by extraordi-
nary political disturbance among States and Dynasties, and
by a series of prolonged contests that spread over Western
Europe, and were conducted by leaders whose names are
still foremost in the annals of war and statesmanship. The
Peace, which terminated this series of international dis-
turbances, is memorable as making great and important
changes in the political map of Europe. The development
of thought, too, during this period, was marked, and was
manifested in the extraordinary progress made in science
and art ; while master minds, in literature, both in France

35° THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

and England, contributed to make the epoch brilliant and
distinctive.

The decease of Louis XIV. caused no great regret in
France ; — all classes, even the nobility, seemed to find
relief in the cessation of this terrible reign. He left behind
him troubles in the church and a discontented Parliament :
the Provinces were ruined, the kingdom was left over-
whelmed'with debt"; the long wars had burthened the peo-
ple with taxation, and the continuous sacrifice of life had
brought sorrow to every home. The young nobility, long
depressed by tlje dolorous features of a Court full of super-
annuated contemporaries of the late King, longed for the
life and gayety promised by a new rdgime ; and Frenchmen,
at large, looked forward, with anxious hope, to some such
change in the administration of government as would bring
permanent benefit, and give the kingdom prosperity and
repose, after the prolonged drain upon its resources and
the strain upon its vital powers. The old employees of the
Court were glad to get rid of the yoke they had been suf-
fering, and those seeking places were eager for the opportu-
nities afforded by a change of reign.

It is related, that, on the decease of the King, the people
gave themselves up to festivities and wild rejoicings, and
vociferated imprecations on his memory ; and that the fu-
neral cortige, which bore his remains from human sight, was
obliged to pass through by-roads, to St. Denis, in order to
avoid the menaces and disorder of the mob. " The people,"
says a contemporary, " thanked God, for their deliverance."

It would be no easy task to portray, at length, the char-
acter and attributes of this great King, — the chief motor in
the events of his time, and the grandest of all the actors
moving on the historic scene. Born to rule over a great
Kingdom and a chivalrous and warlike people — with a
power despotic, and a will left to its own biddings — receiv-
ing an adulation and homage sufficient to destroy, in most
men, all sense of responsibility and of moral obligation,
there is little wonder, that great gifts of mind and heart
were made subordinate to the brilliant circumstances of his
surroundings and to the magnitude of his power. Ambition

CHARACTER OF LOUIS XIV. 351

that knew no bounds — pride that acknowledged no superior,
— and a love of dominion, that could brook no opposition,
led him into courses of government that beggared and deso-
lated his kingdom, and brought it to the verge of ruin.
Thousands of his subjects became victims to his ambitious
aims — and, to promote his grandeur and his pleasures,
humanity was abased, and all principles of morality disre-
garded.

And yet, with all his faults, there were great and noble
qualities that well became a king. He was naturally good,
humane and just ; with an elevation of character that
placed truth and honor high, and scorned deceit. Magna-
nimity that could readily pardon, sincerity that disdained
petty artifice, courtesy that was never absent, and a courage
that became heroic in adversity, were also among his prom-
inent characteristics ; but his love of glory caused his reign
to be disastrous to humanity, and his bigotry stultified his
character, and made him, often, cruel and unrelenting. It
was not until the close of his reign, when chastened by
adversity — disappointed and bereaved — that what was really
great and good in him shone out, with lustre, against the
dark features of his earlier career.

If Louis had followed, from his youth, the precepts given
by him to his grandson, the King of Spain, no monarch
would have equalled him in the favorable verdict of poster-
ity. The remarks of the keen-witted and eloquent St.
Simon may be fitly added here : " Thus we see," he remarks,
"this, monarch, grand, rich, conquering — the arbiter of
Europe — feared and admired as long as the ministers and
captains existed who really deserved the name. When
they were no more, the machine kept moving, sometime,
by impulsion, and from their influence. But, soon after-
ward, we saw, beneath the surface : faults and errors were
multiplied, and decay came on, with giant strides ; without,
however, opening the eyes of that despotic master, so anx-
ious to do everything and direct everything, himself ; and
who seemed to indemnify himself for disdain abroad, by
increasing fear and trembling, at home. So much for the
reign of this vain-glorious monarch ! "

352 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Voltaire's judgment is more eulogistic. "Although he
has been reproached with small weaknesses, with severity in
his treatment of Jansenism, with haughtiness in his treat-
ment of foreigners, in the days of his success, with vitiated
moral tastes, with too great severity in matters personal to
himself, with wars lightly undertaken, with the devastation
of the Palatinate, and the persecution of Prot'^stants, never-
theless, his grand qualities and his actions, put in the
balance, outweigh his faults. Time, which ripens the
opinions of men, has put the seal on his reputation ; and, in
spite of all that has been written against him, his name will
never be pronounced without respect, and without associa-
tion with that period forever memorable."

The success and splendor of the earlier part of the reign
of the great French King were much due to the ability
of the men by whom he was surrounded. His choice of
their successors showed weakness ; and was prompted by a
vanity that deemed his own powers suflficient for all the
emergencies of the State, and believed that his fortunes
could never decline.

Thence came disasters in the State, and in the field —
civil disorder, — maladministration — official plunder, and op-
pressive taxation. All the great reforms and successes
with which his reign began were reversed, at its close.

The thirst of Louis XIV. for dominion gave example and
impulse for a system of attack and spoliation between the
European States, that prevailed throughout the century —
and caused the various leagues and alliances that were
formed for international support and defence. Within his
own territories the rule of Louis was almost despotic, and he
loved to feel it so : to thwart his will or his desires might
result in a life imprisonment ; and libels against him were
often punished by the scaffold. No intrusive writ of " ha-
beas corpus " was there, to penetrate into the dungeons of
the Bastile — and every fortress held its prisoner of State who
was innocent and even ignorant of offence. The whim of
the monarch, the revenge of a courtier, the greediness of an
heir, the caprice of a favorite trifled with the liberty and
life of the subject and helped to make firm a despotism

EFFECT OF LOUIS' REIGN ON FRANCE. 353

from which there was no appeal, and which made light of
the rights of humanity and the authority of law.

Under this reign, the Royal prerogative was so extended
and exercised that all other authority was practically
annulled ; and the exactions, the oppressions, the licen-
tiousness, the wild excesses, the abuses tolerated and the
rights outraged, under this and the following infamous
reign, caused a reaction against the restraints of any gov-
ernment, which fell upon the head of the succeeding Bour-
bon — kindly and humane king that he was — and rested not,
until the Bourbon dynasty — once loved — was swept from
the land — never to return, except for a new dismissal.

The rays of Liberty, that had beamed in America, pene-
trating to France, and awakening her people to a knowledge
of their political degradation, shone, in that country, lurid
and terrible, through an atmosphere of crime and blood :
they brought no bloom nor beneficent growth — but blasted
and scorched. The people, eager for self-assertion, arose
in the savagery of natures schooled amid the traditions
of tyranny, fashioned amid vice, and irritated by the brutal
oppression of irresponsible power.

The decrees of the Jacobin clubs usurped the preroga-
tives of the Crown — the Pike took the place of the Sceptre
— law was administered by Assassins, — and the axe of the
Guillotine fell not only on Feudalism — but on Liberty !

The license and fury of the many far transcended the ex-
cesses of the despotism of the one — but were its legitimate
and terrible results.
23

CHAPTER XXXIII.

The Doctrine of the Balance of Power as specially recognized in the
Treaty of Utrecht.— The Provisions therein as to the Doctrine of
Free Ships making Free Goods.— The Provision for the Demolition
of the Harbor of Dunkirk made a Precedent during the Civil War
in the United States. — The recent War of the Spanish " Succession."

The Treaties at Utrecht established the doctrine of the
balance of Power betvs^een States as a principle of inter-
national law. In the text of the Treaty between Great
Britain and Spain, one of its objects is stated, in terms, to
be " for the establishment of a peace, for Christendom, by
a just equilibrium of power." The written renunciations of
the French princes to the Crown of Spain, recited in the
Treaty, also expressly set forth this purpose.

The principle of the adjustment and retention of the
balance of power still prevails in the settlement of Euro-
pean affairs, and is advanced in restriction of the action of
the great States. There is, apparently, however, less ap-
prehension than formerly of the results of undue aggran-
dizement ; and there are consequently fewer alliances made
for protection. Each State is more self-reliant and less
disposed to be involved in issues foreign to it. Particularly
is this the case since the people at large have become
active factors in political affairs, and are not moved, as
formerly, by the will of irresponsible rulers. An enlight-
ened public opinion is now a strong conservator of the
integrity of States, and a check upon executive powers.

THE DOCTRINE OF THE FLAG.

By the doctrines laid down in ancient maritime codes
and enunciated in the works of International Jurists, it is
made plain, that, up to the 17th century, an invariable rule
prevailed, that the neutral flag did not cover or protect
■enemies' goods, in time of war. This rule was generally

354

PROVISIONS OF THE COMMERCIAL TREATY. 3SS

recognized also among the nations of Europe, during the
17th century, as a prevailing one of international law. The
converse of the principle was also, to a certain extent,
recognized, in theory, at least ; i.e., that neutral property
was free, even if on an enemy's vessel.

A treaty made between the Turkish Government and
Henry IV. of France, in 1604, is one of the first modern
examples of a compact establishing a contrary doctrine
to the general one, that enemies' property was, under all
circumstances, prize of war. Compacts of the same nature
had been theretofore made by France with the Hanseatic
towns ; and the new principle was, also, subsequently rec-
ognized, by special provision, in several European treaties
prior to those made at Utrecht, in 1713. In treaties made
by Great Britain, respectively with Portugal, France, Spain
and Holland, between the years 1642 and 1674, the new
principle was recognized.

By the terms of the great Commercial treaty made
between Great Britain and France, at Utrecht, in 171 3,
reviewed in a prior chapter, the freedom of the neutral flag
is admitted, and a neutral ship is to free enemy's cargo
with which it may be laden, with the exception of goods
contraband of war. A similar compact was made between
Holland and France, but limited to a period of twenty-five
years, which was afterwards renewed in 1739, also for
twenty-five years.

These provisions were required to be inserted in the
Treaties of Utrecht by England and Holland in conse-
quence of prior ordinances of Louis XIV., which he had
established when at the height of his power, and which
operated injuriously and vexatiously upon the commerce
of the above two maritime States. These ordinances,
issued in 168 1, were to the effect that all the property
found in enemies' ships should be confiscated ; and that the
productions of the enemy's soil or industry should be con-
fiscated whoever was the owner ; the neutral flag being of
no protection.

The principle was also established by the Treaties of
Utrecht that all goods, contraband or otherwise, carried

3S6 THE HISTOR Y OF A GKEA T TREA TY.

in an enemy's ship, were prize of war. The two rules, how-
ever, that neutral bottoms make neutral goods and ene-
mies' bottoms enemies' goods, are not only separable in
their nature, but are generally separated, and they have
been held by the courts of the United States to be distinct.

The above principles were also asserted in the treaties
made at Utrecht between England and Spain, in 1713 ; and
between Holland, France and Spain in 171 3 and 17 14, with
reference to the rights of the flag.

The treaties of Utrecht, therefore, recognized the double
principle that free ships make free goods, and enemy's
ships enemy's goods.

The ancient principle of the International law being
changed by the compacts at Utrecht, and the new doctrine
that free ships should make free goods being very generally
adopted by the great nations of Europe, it became the
basis of a new International Maritime systeirt, and was
extensively recognized, in subsequent treaties. But the
rule, since the Treaties at Utrecht, has been a fluctuating
one, depending much on the interests or policy of the
States recognizing or rejecting it. The old rule, however,
i.e., that enemy's property may be taken in Neutral Vessels,
seems to have been recognized still as the standard or
normal one of the International Code, unless specially
controlled or modified by Treaty ; and this rule is one
to which the policy of Great Britain for a long period, and
indeed up to July, 1856, with certain exceptions, has gener-
ally given support and adherence.

In spite of the' compact at Utrecht, also, in 1744, on
declaring war against Great Britain, Louis XV. issued an
ordinance directing confiscation of enemy's property, ex-
cepting that under Danish and Dutch flags, as also the
production of the soil or industry of the enemy, whether
found on board neutral or allied vessels. The same policy
was pursued under Louis XVI., who issued similar ordi-
nances. The United States of America first appear in
relation to this matter when, by Treaty made with France
in February, 1778, the neutral flag is declared to protect
enemy's property and persons from capture ; and all prop-

DOCTRINE OF THE FLAG. 357

erty on an enemy's vessel after a declaration of war, is
lawful prize, i.e., the cargo is to follow the flag : but by the
Treaty of 1794, made between Great Britain and the
United States, there is no recognition of the principle
of the freedom of the flag, but enemy's property might be
taken if under the flag of either country. These and other
provisions gave great offence to France, and .were the
cause of her making extensive spoliations upon the com-
mercial vessels of the United States, by way of retaliation ;
and, under the Directory, France reversed her policy as
to the freedom of the neutral flag. By virtue of the
.Treaty of 1794, with Great Britain, the Treaty of 1778 with
France was deemed abrogated, and was so declared.

The principles of the Treaties of Utrecht were followed
in the declaration by Russia and the other principal North-
ern Powers, forming the first " Armed neutrality," issued
in February, 1780; wliereby it is declared, with a view of
protecting the " honor of the flag of said Powers, and pre-
venting the molestation of their vessels by then belliger-
ents," that property belonging to the subjects of the bel-
ligerent Powers should, with the exception of that con-
traband of war, be free from capture in neutral vessels ;
and that all neutral vessels should freely navigate from
port to port and on the coasts of belligerent nations,
except in case of a well-established blockade. Catherine
II. gave out that she was prepared to resist by force any
violation of the principles declared. The King of Den-
mark also declared the Baltic closed against any armed
vessels of the belligerent powers.

To these principles the United Provinces, Germany,
France and Spain gave assent, and subsequently Portugal
and the Two Sicilies ; the latter power having always re-
mained faithful to the principles of the Treaty of Utrecht.

Against the principles of this declaration by the North-
ern Powers, Great Britain made a wily but not very strong
protest, — she then being engaged in a desperate war with
her American colonies — and answered, that she would be
bound, only, by her respective treaties and general Inter-
national rules. However, a Commercial Treaty was con-

35^ THE HISTORY OJ^ A GREAT TREATY.

eluded at Versailles, between France and Great Britain in
September, 1786, for only twelve years; which admitted
the freedom of the neutral flag, according to the principles
of the Treaties at Utrecht.

In May, 1793, the Executive Government of France
directed the seizure of Merchandise belonging to an enemy
as good prize, and suppressed the freedom of the neutral
flag. This was a policy specially directed at England, who
retaliated by similar measures. Subsequent French de-
crees, as the stress of the French people became greater,
under their civil disturbances and foreign wars, went far-
ther and confiscated neutral or allied vessels loaded with
enemy's property : and prohibited the introduction of all
English Merchandise ; and it was declared, in Januaiy,
1798, that the hostile or neutral quality of a vessel should
be determined by her cargo ; and that all vessels carrying
property, the product of Great Britain or her colonies,
should be condemned as prizes, irrespective of ownership.

The second armed neutrality in December, 1800, by the
Northern Powers, as also Prussia, established the same
principles as in their declaration of 1780 ; but the naval
power of Great Britain broke up the confederacy, in this
regard, and compelled a renunciation of the principle that
the flag covered the goods ; and Russia, subsequently, by
her own action departed from the rule ; but afterwards, in
1807, reaffirmed the principles of the armed neutrality.

By the terms of the Treaty of Amiens, between Great
Britain, France and Spain, of October, 1802, there is no
provision renewing or referring to the provisions of the
Treaty of Utrecht. This was done with a political design
by England : and it was considered that the principle, as
to the neutral flag protecting enemy's property from cap-
tu'-e, was abandoned, and the old international rule revived
— and, in fact, that the Treaty of Utrecht, as regards Great
Britain, was to be deemed obsolete.

In November, 1806, the Berlin decree in opposition to an
English decree of the same character was published by
Napoleon, declaring the British Islands in a state of block-
ade ; and all British goods whatever were declared lawful

DOCTRINE OF THE FLAG. 359

prize, and all produce of England or her Colonies were to
be confiscated. The British orders in Council of 1807,
retaliated this policy, by prohibiting neutral vessels from
trading with France or her allies, with certain exceptions,
under penalty of condemnation, and declared all French
ports in a state of blockade. In the Milan decree of
December, 1807, Napoleon, again changing his policy,
protested against the claim of England, which it termed
" the infamous principle that the flag did not cover the
goods ; " and, in opposition to the English order in Coun-
cil, asserted a right to denationalize all vessels of any
nation that submitted to examination from any British
vessel, or which paid any tribute or tax to the British
Government, or which had touched at an English Port ;
and made such vessels subject of prize.

The principles of the Treaty of Utrecht, with respect to
the rights of the neutral flag, as part of the law of nations,
were thus adopted and forcibly carried out, by Napoleon,
in order to circumscribe the naval superiority of England,
and to protect vessels trading with France ; and the Milan
and Berlin decrees were declared to be extreme and excep-
tional measures induced by the Orders in council, against
France.

In March, 1812, Napoleon proclaimed his new Maritime
Code, in which it was declared, among other things, that
the flag covered the cargo, and that goods of a neutral
under an enemy's flag are prize. The declaration thus con-
cludes : " France claims for all her people the above princi-
ples, as having been consecrated by the Treaty of Utrecht,
and as having become, through their adoption, in subse-
quent treaties, the common law of nations."

Thus the two principles relative to the Flag were defi-
nitely declared as part of the Reformed Law of Nations, so
far at least as France was concerned : and France has,
almost uniformly, through her modern treaties, shown her
preference for the doctrine of Free Ships making free
goods ; and this principle was laid down in the Convention
between the United States and France of September, 1800,
and July, 1801.

36o THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

In England, however, unless there had been special mod-
ification by treaty, the former international rule, that
enemy's goods are everywhere prize, has been generally
recognized ; and that country has long stood committed to
the rule, and many jurists, there, still maintain its existence,
as the normal international one. The Treaties made by
England have been, often, in opposition, and often with
reluctant assent to the principle of the freedom of the
neutral flag: and, from 1786 to 1854, she made no Treaty
limiting her belligerent rights. The doctrine of the freedom
of the flag, it was supposed, would be of no special benefit
to her and would deprive her of the advantages she would
possess, as virtually Mistress of the Seas, with the power of
destroying the commerce of her enemies.

When the terms of the Treaty of 1794, between Great
Britain and the United States, were under consideration, a
report of a Committee of the Privy Council indicated the
grounds of the policy at that time adopted by the former
Country, with relation to the " flag." That Committee
made report, that no "Article" should be put in the
Treaty, allowing ships of the United States to protect the
property of the enemies of Great Britain, in time of war.
" It would be more dangerous," the report states, " to con-
cede this privilege to the ships of the United States, than
to those of any other foreign country. From their situa-
tion the ships of these States would be able to cover the
whole trade of France with her islands and colonies in
America and the West Indies, whenever Great Britain
should be engaged in a war with either of those Powers ;
and the Navy of Great Britain would, in such a case, be
deprived of the means of distressing the enemy, by destroy-
ing his commerce."

As late as February, 1854, the British foreign ofifice issued
instructions that enemy's (Russian) property should be
seized, even if laden on neutral vessels ; but subsequently,
by a special compact with France, enemy's goods in a neu-
tral vessel were to be exempt ; but, in making this conces-
sion, Great Britain asserted that such rule was only a tem-
porary one, and in exception of her origitial belligerent rights.

DECLARA3-I0N OF PARIS OF 1856. 361

THE DECLARATION OF PARIS OF 1856.

An important declaration was made at Paris, by the
Plenipotentiaries of France, Great Britain, Austria, Prussia,
Sardinia, Turkey and Russia, assembled in Congress, after
the Crimean war, in April, 1856.

This assemblage rehearsing the uncertainty of the laws
of maritime warfare and the advantages of securing an
uniform doctrine, adopted the main principle of the Treaties
of Utrecht, and laid down four great rules far in advance,
in a humanitarian sense, of all that had preceded, and
declared : —

" \st. That privateering should be abolished.
,, " 2d. That the neutral flag should cover enemy's merchan-
dise, except that contraband of war.

" 3^?. That neutral merchandise, even under an enemy s
flag, should not be liable to capture, unless contraband of
war.

" i^th. That blockades, to be recognized, must be main-
tained by a sufficient force."

About forty other of the States of Europe and South
America, including the two Sicilies, Holland, Sweden,
Saxony, Belgium and Denmark, gave adhesion to these
principles. Spain, Mexico and the United States refused
their assent to the declaration, as an entirety.

By a Protocol of the declarant powers, it was determined
that the above four propositions should be maintained as
indivisible ; and the Plenipotentiaries further agreed, that
the Powers which should have signed the Declaration, or
which should accede to it, could not, thereafter, enter into
any arrangement in regard to the application of the right
of neutrals, in time of war, which did not, at the same time,
rest on the four principles, which are the object of the said
Declaration.

The United States refused assent to the Declaration as
an entirety, unless the clause against privateering should be
extended, so that private property should be exempt from
capture by even the public vessels of an enemy ; but signified

362 THE mSTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

their desire to adopt the 2d, 3d and 4th of the propositions,
if the first were amended according to their desires. Spain
and Mexico made similar assent to all the propositions ex-
cept to that relating to privateering.

The reasons alleged for such refusal, by the Government
of the United States, were that the system of Privateering
gave support and strength to the weaker maritime States,
in time of war, and was of essential service to them— and,
if abandoned, such States would be wholly at the mercy of
the armed vessels of the great maritime Powers ; and that
such objection would be removed if an amendment were
appended to the declaration to the effect that the private
property of all persons should be exempt from seizure by
public armed vessels — there being no good reason why such
property should not be exempt, as well at sea as on land.
In concluding his communication to the great powers unit-
ing in the Declaration, the Secretary of State of the United
States (Marcy) remarks, " I am directed to communicate
the approval of the President to the 2d, 3d and 4th propo-
sitions, independently of the ist, should the amendment be
unacceptable. The amendment is commended by so many
powerful considerations, and the principle which calls for it
has so long had the emphatic sanction of all enlightened na-
tions in military operations on land, that the President is re-
luctant to believe it will meet with any serious opposition."

The proposed amendment however, was not acceded to ;
and the United States consequently remained outside of
the provisions of the Treaty or declaration of Paris ; but
seem, at the time, and thereafter, in their diplomatic cor-
respondence, to have recognized the propriety, at least,
of the 2d, 3d and 4th propositions : and to claim them as
established international rules.

As to the 3d, it was conceded by Mr. Dallas, then Minis-
ter of the United States to Great Britain, to be the admitted
rule, both in Great Britain and the United States ; and the
2d Article was also admitted to be correct in principle, and
alleged to have been adopted by the United States in
various treaties, and by an adhesion to the armed neu-
trality.

CORRESPONDENCE CONCERNING THE DECLARATION. 363

Lord John Russel, in a despatch of May, 1861, to Lord
Lyons, British Minister at Washington, states, with regard
to the views of England in the matter, that although the
policy of Great Britain has been theretofore opposed to
the principle of the freedom of the flag, and that she had
contended for the opposite rule, she had, in 1856, " upon
full consideration, determined to depart from that rule,
and that she means to adhere to the principle she then
adopted."

In the course of an interview between Lord Lyons, the
British Minister at Washington (June, 1861), and the Secre-
tary of State (Seward), the latter stated " that he was
ready to agree to all and more than all that was desired :
that the United States had held and always held that the
flag covered the cargo, and that the property of a friend
was not liable to seizure under an enemy's flag." Mr.
Seward, in a further interview (June, 1861), complained that
the Governments of Europe had taken no notice of the offer
he made to them long ago to adhere, without reserve, to the
Declaration of Paris.

In the Spring of 1861, when the Civil war in America
became an established fact, the British Government made
application to both belligerents to declare whether they
were to act upon the principles laid down in Articles 2d
and 3d of the Declaration of Paris. In a despatch by Lord
John Russel to Lord Cowley, at Paris, and to Lord Lyons,
at Washington, the former declares " that the United
States, as an entire Government, have not acceded to the
Declaration of 1856 ; but, in practice, they have, in their
conventions with other Powers, adopted Article II., al-
though admitting, that without some such Convention, the
rule was not one of universal application ; and that, as re-
gards Article III., in recent Treaties concluded by the
United States with South American Republics, the princi-
ple adopted has been at variance with that laid down in
the Declaration of Paris."

Lord Lyons was therefore directed to obtain from each
Government a formal recognition of both principles, which
were thenceforth to form part of the law of nations.

364 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

In accordance with the above appHcation by Great
Britain, in August, 1861, the Confederate Congress at
Richmond, by Resolution, declared that they accepted the
2d, 3d and 4th propositions of the declaration, but refused
assent to the 1st, abolishing privateering. These Resolutions
were formally communicated to the English and French
Governments and instructions were given to Privateers,
accordingly.

Subsequently, with regard to the acceptance of the terms
of the Declaration of Paris by the Federal Government of
the United States, a series of comm-unications and inter-
views occurred between the diplomatic representatives of
the Governments of Great Britain, France and the United
States, on the demand made by the former Powers, that
the United States should positively declare whether they
gave in their adhesion to the declaration of Paris or not. The
draft of a Convention or agreement was subsequently
formulated, to be entered into by the Plenipotentiaries of
Great Britain and the United States, by which the assent
of the latter was to be given in full, to all the propositions
of the Declaration of 1856; and a similar convention was
to be made with France. The matter had progressed
favorably, and all parties had apparently agreed on the
convention, when all proceedings were arrested, by reason
of an exaction by Great Britain, that to the Convention
should be appended a declaration in these words, " In aiHx-
ing his signature to the Convention of this day, between
her Majesty, the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, and
the United States of America, the Earl Russel declares,
by order of her Majesty, that her Majesty does not intend
thereby to undertake any engagement which shall have
any bearing, direct or indirect, on the internal differences
now prevailing in the United States."

To this proposition the American Minister at London
(Adams), took great umbrage, and stated, in a communica-
tion to Lord Russel, that "if the parties to the Instrument
are not to sign it, upon terms of perfect reciprocity, with
all their duties and obligations under it perfectly equal^
and without equivocation or reservation, on any side, then

VIE WS OF LORD JOHN RUSSEL. 365

it is plain that the proper season for such an engagement
has not yet arrived. It were much wiser to put it off until
nations can understand each other better." Mr. Adams
was thereupon directed by his Government to break off
negotiations, if the latter declaration was insisted on.
Upon which, it seems, all further negotiations in the matter
were interrupted, and they have never been renewed : and
the United States still remains outside of the Declaration
of Paris.

A prominent recent case, illustrating the immunity
claimed for neutral vessels, is that of the seizure of the
four diplomatic agents of the so-called " Confederate States
of America," then in rebellion, and the taking of those
persons from the British Mail Steamer " Trent," at sea,
in November, 1861, by the United States ship of war
" San Jacinto."

The plea of the United States, for the seizure, was that
the above persons were armed with despatches and pro-
ceeding, in an official capacity, on public service ; and were
objects quasi belligerent, and as such contraband of war :
and, therefore, proper subjects for search and arrest.

It was urged, on the other hand, by the British Govern-
ment, that the taking of the agents from the " Trent " was
an affront to the British flag, and a violation of Interna-
tional law : and redress was demanded.

Lord Russel took the ground that a neutral vessel had a
right to carry despatches from one of the Belligerent States
to the Government of a neutral State ; and that such inter-
course must be freely conducted ; that the protection must
be extended to diplomatic agents carrying such despatches ;
that such transport was no violation of the obligations of
a neutral, and such persons or papers were not contraband
of war, as claimed by the American Government. In his
communication to the British Minister Secretary Seward
sets forth, among other things, " that it had been settled,,
by correspondence, that the United States recognized, as
applicable to the question, those two articles of the declara-
tion of the Congress of Paris of 1856, viz.: 'that the
neutral flag should cover enemy's goods not contraband of

366 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

war, and that neutral goods not contraband of war are not
liable to capture under an enemy's flag.' " Under then
existing circumstances, however, the State Department
afterwards receded from its position, as regards the right
to seize, as contraband, the Confederate Agents ; and they
were returned to the British flag.

In various treaties made by the United States with the
South American and Barbary States, the provision that
free ships should make free goods is stipulated. The
same provision is contained in Treaties with France in
1778 and 1800, before referred to; with Sweden, 1783,
revived in 1827; with Prussia, 1785, 1799, and 1828; with
Spain," 1795 and 1819; with Holland, 1783; and with
Russia, in 1854; which last treaty contains also the pro-
vision that neutral property, even under an enemy's flag,
should be free. The same provisions were included in a
Treaty with the Two Sicilies, in July, 1855, now obsolete;
but revived by the Treaty with Italy, in 1871 ; which latter
also contains the important provision that private property
on the high seas shall be exempt from capture by the armed
vessels of either power. The Treaty of Ghent of 18 14 made
no provision for the renewal of the principles of the Treaty
of 1794, with Great Britain. Between Great Britain and
the United States there is now no provision on the subject,
by any Treaty.

When War was begun between France and Prussia, in
1870, a Proclamation of Neutrality was issued,, in August of
that year, by the President of the United States, in which,
among other things, it was declared, that communication
had been received from the French Government that, in
the prosecution of the war, that Government would strictly
adhere to the Declaration of 1B56; and that, '^Although the
United States have not adhered to that Declaration, the ves-
sels of His Majesty will not seize enemy's property on
board a vessel of the United States, provided that property
is not contraband of war." The Proclamation further
recited, that Prussia had signified her intention that private
property on the High Seas should be exempt from capture,
without regard to reciprocity. Subsequently, however, in

OPINIONS CONCERNING THE DECLARATION. 367

February, 1871, the Prussian Government revoked its dec-
laration exempting property on the high seas from seizure.
This was done by reason of the treatment of German mer-
chant ships, by France.

In a communication of June 12, 1877, of the United
States' Secretary of State (Evarts), to the Russian Minister,
as to the blockade by Turkey of ports in the Black Sea, the
former asserts that, although it is true that the United
States " did not sign and has not since acceded to the declara-
tion of Paris of \%%6" they recognize the soundness of the
rule, as to Blockades.

From a review of what precedes it will be observed that,
since the Treaties of Utrecht, the general policy of the
European nations, with the exception of England, has been
in favor of the principle that free ships shall make free
goods ; and that England has, by uniting in the declaration
of Paris of 1856, in reverse of her ancient policy, now stipu-
lated with the other Powers, in support of that principle.
And yet, in spite of almost universal accord to the con-
trary, the principle of the old rule still seems extant, and,
in a measure is still recognized as existing, unless changed
by actual compact. It is well, in this connection, to remem-
ber the closing words of the Declaration of Paris. " The
present declaration is not and shall not be binding except
between those powers who have acceded or shall accede
to it."

To the principles of the Declaration of Paris, the United
States have doubtless expressed their sense, both diplomat-
ically and otherwise — but they have not given their formal
political adhesion to those principles, as a matter .of com-
pact, or expressed their formal assent to them, as a matter
of established International law : and it is claimed by some
writers on jurisprudence in Great Britain, that the United
States have no right to invoke the principles of the dec-
laration of Paris against the former country ; and that, in
case of war, it would rest in the opinion of Great Britain
either to adhere to the old rules of maritime warfare, or to
maintain the principles of the declaration of Paris, so far
as the United States were concerned. It is to be remarked,

368 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

also, that the abolition of the old rule by Great Britain, in
the Declaration of Paris, has not by any means met with
universal assent in that country ; but that there is a dispo-
sition to advocate a return to the former doctrine. It is
claimed, by many thinkers there, that the adoption of that
Declaration, by Great Britain, in view of the great advan-
tages arising from her dominant maritime power, would
operate most injuriously for that country. Great discon-
tent has been manifested in Parliament at the adoption of
the Declaration, — leading statesmen and writers have de-
nounced it, as impolitic — many petitions have been pre-
sented against it — and it is urged, that it was not a com-
pact binding on Great Britain, but a mere manifestation of
views.

It is considered, however, by its upholders, in Great
Britain, as a compact or agreement with the other Powers,
from which none can recede and which all are bound, by
compact, to enforce. On the other hand, the Politico-
economist, Stuart Mill, has warmly opposed it, and D'Israeli,
in 1862, and subsequently in 1871, denounced it as most
impolitic, and " as a dark page in the history of England."
There is, evidently, in Great Britain a strong current of
opinion in favor of the repudiation of the doctrines of the
Declaration ; but the Government has not deemed it wise or
proper thus far to recede from it ; although all sorts of
subterfuges have been suggested, from time to time, to
evade the force of its provisions. It is probable, however,
that no extension of its privileges will be allowed by any
intendment, nor beyond the strict limit of its terms.

A recent English writer on the subject* claims, that an
adherence to the first rule of the Declaration would par-
alyze the Navy of Great Britain, and urges its abandon-
ment ; claiming that neither France nor Spain had, in fact,
accepted the doctrine. He urges that, in case of a war
between Great Britain and France, the effect of an adher-
ence to the " Declaration " would be, to prevent the cap-
ture of all merchandise ; that is to say, French merchants
would employ neutral vessels in their trade, as also would
* The Fortnightly Review, February, 1885.

ENGLAND'S POSITION DEFINED. 369

the English ; and that any apprehension of war would
bring the same results, as if a war were in progress ; and
that all freight and shipping property would immediately
depreciate. The writer strongly advocates a return to the
old rule, that enemy's property should be captured when-
ever found ; inasmuch as, under the new rule, both the
English and French carrying trade would be practically
destroyed, and there would be no need of a navy.

The writer further claims, that the rule helps the mer-
chant alone ; and that the merchant should take the risk of
war, like others ; and that the English Navy could protect
him ; and also, that, under the new rule, there would be no
prizes or prize money, no inducement to sailors to man
fleets, and, finally, that there would be no naval battles ;
for the French navy would keep in its ports — having noth-
ing to protect. In other words, it is claimed, that Eng-
land's naval power would be useless, and that her merchant
marine would rot in the docks.

In view of the above doubts on the subject, it might be
deemed desirable for those countries which have not yet
become parties to the declaration of Paris, to give in their
formal adhesion to it, if they desire to avail themselves of
the doctrines declared ; otherwise they may be considered to
remain without the Declaration, and within the provisions
of the old rule, that enemies' property can be seized any-
where, and their merchantmen may be subject to search,
and detention, while the question of title is being deter-
mined, and subject to the seizure of hostile cargo. The
practical effect would be that the merchant marine of the
neutral countries not assenting to the declaration, would
not be employed by the merchants of belligerents, to trans-
port merchandise of such belligerents, and the great advan-
tages that would otherwise ensue to such neutral vessels,
by such a carrying trade, would be reaped by other neutral
powers that had acceded to the Declaration.

It is obvious from what has been remarked above, as to

the past and present feeling and attitude of Great Britain,

at least, on the subject, that that country would deem it

to her interest to hold that the United States were outside

37° THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

of the principles adopted by herself and other powers ; and
she would probably claim that enemy's goods, in the
bottoms of the merchant marine of the latter country, were
fair prize of war.

As regards the recognition of the later rule, as one of
the International Code, it is to be remarked, that, although
the principles of maritime law laid down by the Treaty of
Utrecht, and adopted, from time to time in successive
treaties, by the different nations of Europe, have never
been recognized, by convention, as the acknowledged inter-
national principles of all, but as the result of transitory
operation, by treaty, and as such having no general appli-
cation ; yet that, on the other hand, the accessions to the
new principles have been so numerous, and the opinions of
the great Powers so strongly expressed, that the later rule
seems to be one of International recognition and adoption,
and the former rule practically obsolete.

There is, perhaps, however, enough left of the old rule
to make an adhesion to it plausible if not justifiable, under
modern advanced views ; and, under the pressure of war,
it is not unlikely that, in spite of diplomatic expression and
example, it would be resorted to, where there has been no
convention on the subject — especially in cases where might
would make right, and there is power to assert the rule.

THE DEMOLITION OF DUNKIRK, AS A PRECEDENT.

One of the Provisions of the Treaty of Utrecht was cited
as a precedent, on a memorable and critical occasion, when
France was apparently becoming disposed to give her in-
fluence, if not her direct aid to the Southern Confedera-
tion, during the period of the great rebellion in the
United States.

The Citation of the provision of the Treaty in question,
so far as the statement in a recent book of Memoirs * may
be accepted as a history of the affair, seems to have had a
conclusive effect in determining the action of the French
government.

* Memoirs of Thurlow Weed.

DUNKIRK USED AS A PRECEDENT. 37 1

In November, 1861, the main channel of Charleston
harbor had been obstructed by the forces of the United
States, through the sinking of sixteen vessels laden with
stone, with the motive of assisting in the blockade of that
port.

The governments both of Great Britain and France took
umbrage at this act, as one of "barbarity, almost un-
paralleled in the history of the world," as claimed by the
British Press. The claim was seriously made that, although
a regular and efficient blockade, by ships of war, was a
lawful exercise of belligerent power, the free navigation
of rivers, and the free entrance of ports, were rights of an
international character, in which every government of Eu-
rope was concerned ; and that the common interests of the
World were prejudiced by any act taking away the avail-
ability, or imperilling the safety of commercial harbors.

To this view, being apparently but one of a series of
pretences for interference against the Federal government,
then in no little distress, the French government gave
strong support, and was preparing to protest formally
against the above and similar acts in contemplation, as
indicating an unprecedented policy, and as tending to
forever close and destroy harbors necessary for the com-
merce of mankind.

The Emperor of France, it was ascertained, was prepared
to denounce the above action of the Federal government,
in his annual then forthcoming speech to the French leg-
islature, and to call for some action in the premises. A
special agent of the Union government,* however, at that
time in France, with the purpose of preventing such denun-
ciation from the Throne and any adverse action, called the
attention of the Duke de Morny, then at the head of
Foreign affairs, to the ninth clause in the Treaty of
Utrecht, which had been deliberately and solemnly entered
into by both England and France, and by which it was
provided that the French King should not only raze the
fortifications of Dunkirk, but fill up the harbor and level the
moles and sluices by which it was fed and cleansed : and this,
* Thurlow Weed.

372 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

it was remarked, was to be done not during the existence
of a war, but in time of peace.

This appeared so strong a precedent against the French
and EngUsh expressed views in the matter, that the French
minister retired from his position, and made no further
remonstrance: and the Emperor made no allusion to the
filling up of the harbor at Charleston, in his message ; and,
in the end, decided not to interfere. The Emperor's mes-
sage contained merely these words, in the above relation :

"The Civil war which desolates the United States has
greatly compromised our commercial interests. So long as
the rights of neutrals are respected, however, we must
confine ourselves' to expressing wishes for an early termina-
tion of these dissensions."

THE RECENT WAR AS TO THE " SPANISH SUCCESSION."

A trite saying is that " History repeats itself." An
example of this truism is presented in the recent war,
relative to the succession to the Spanish throne, that took
place between the two great contending powers of the
former war — France and" Germany (Austria excepted), and
resulted in important changes in the map of Europe ; and,
also, in the unification of Germany and in the reconstruc-
tion of the German Empire. The conditions, in the recent
instance, however, were somewhat reversed. Instead of a
French Prince being introduced on the throne of Spain, at
which Germany took umbrage, it was the case of a German
Prince proposed for the Spanish throne ; to which France
made objection, and provoked a war as terrible as that
arising out of the Succession of 1700: but which, thanks
to improvements in the destruction of human life, was
finished, and decisively finished, in seven months instead
of, as in the former case, in ten years.

The events which served directly to bring about the new
war of the Spanish succession, were as follows. The Rev-
olution in Spain of September, 1868, by which Isabella II.,
representing the Bourbon dynasty, was driven from the
throne of that country, left the succession open to the

CAUSES LEADING TO THE WAR. 373

candidature of various princes ; and the proposition to
place a German prince, the hereditary Prince Leopold of
Hohenzollern, on the Spanish throne awaked the attention
of France, then ruled by a monarch desirous of military
renown, as to the supposed attempt for preponderance by
Prussia, among the European States.

The Prince of Hohenzollern, although descended from a
common ancestor with the King of Prussia, was not of the
Royal Protestant line, and was not even advocated by the
Court of Prussia, as a candidate ; but had been freely
offered the Crown of Spain, by the then dominant authori-
ties of that country.

The Duke de Grammont, the French Minister of foreign
affairs, appeared, however, determined to bring about a war,
under any and all circumstances : but the King of Prussia
was not disposed to such a result, and wisely declined to
make a casus belli of the question of the succession. The
terrible consequences of the former contest for the throne
of Spain had left souvenirs of wide-spread desolation, and
the King, now advanced in years, was not ambitious for
laurels that could only be acquired through a dynastic war
which might again involve all Western Europe, and would
be, under any circumstances, disastrous to humanity.

But it was not, altogether, the susceptibility on the part
of France to a supposed attempt of Prussia to extend its
influence that motived the action of the former country, or
rather of its Ministry and ruler. An important political rea-
son was supposed to underlie this. The internal affairs of
France were far from being in a settled condition. There
was a wide-spread opposition to the Napoleonic dynasty —
the various political parties were in agitation, — and the dis-
organization of the social state was such, that not only was
the government impotent to control internal political move-
ments, but did not retain the confidence or respect of the
people.

It was therefore considered by those in power, that a
foreign war appealing to the warlike instincts and patriot-
ism of the community would be an outlet for the ebullition
of public discontent.

374 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

The Prince of Hohenzollern agreed, at first, to accept the
proffered throne, on condition only, that a majority of the
Cortes should determine in his favor. The plea was, how-
ever, put forward by the French Ministry, that although
Prussia, as the facts showed, had not advocated the pro-
posed succession, " that there was no obligation on France,"
in the words of its Minister, "of suffering that a foreign
power should, by placing one of its own Princes on the
throne of Charles V., disturb, to our detriment, the existing
balance of power in Europe, and endanger the interests
and honor of France." "We have a confident hope,"
openly said the Minister of Foreign Affairs, in the French
Chamber of Deputies, " that such an occurrence will not
take place, reckoning as we do on the prudence of the Ger-
mans, and the amity of the Spanish people. Should this,
however, turn out contrary to our expectations. Gentlemen,
we shall, in reliance on your support and that of the
Nation, know how to do our duty without hesitation or weak-
ness."

These words, naturally, gave great offence at Berlin, and,
amounting to a menace, caused the Germans to apprehend
a possible war — but still they could not realize that it was
imminent. Strongly opposed to such a conclusion of exist-
ing difificulties, all occasion for hostilities seemed to be
removed, when the Prussian government declared to the
French Ministry, that " the question of the succession to
the Spanish throne was one which concerned Spain and the
candidate alone ; and with which Prussia and Germany had
absolutely no concern." The King of Prussia declined, at
the same time, with proper spirit, when requested by
France so to do, to order the Prince of Hohenzollern to
refuse to accept the Spanish throne, considering that under
any circumstances, it was an uncalled for and insolent
request. The young Prince, however, of his own accord,
seeing the complications that had arisen, and not desiring
to be a firebrand in European politics, as had been the
Duke of Anjou before him, determined to abandon the
candidature to the Spanish Crown, and so acquainted the
Spanish authorities. The French Ministry, thereupon, with

ARROGANCE OF THE FRENCH MINISTRY. 37S

a pertinacity and arrogance that seemed fatuous, required
that the King of Prussia should apologize, in an autograph
letter, for the alleged slight that had been put upon France
by the King, ' ' in having permitted the Prince to accept the
candidature, without having first come to an understanding
with Franc eT

The French Ministry also required the King of Prussia
to give a positive assurance that he would never give his
consent to this candidature, should it be brought forward
again ; and to express his satisfaction at the withdrawal of
the Prince of Hohenzollern from all pretension to the
Spanish Crown.

To these arrogant propositions, the warlike and high-
spirited King of Prussia, of course, refused his assent ; stat-
ing that he could not possibly undertake to enter into any
guarantee for the future. The French government, there-
upon, (July ig, 1870), made a declaration in these words:
" The Imperial government could not but see, in this dec-
laration of the King, a reservation full of danger to France
and to the balance of power in Europe. In consequence,
the French government feels itself obliged to take immedi-
ate steps, in defence of its injured honor and interests, and,
being determined, to this end, to carry into eiffect all such
measures as the situation may demand, considers itself,
from this time, as in a state of War with Prussia." The
German Confederation thereupon unhesitatingly accepted
the alternative of war ; seeing, as the King of Prussia
declared, in his speech to the Diet, "that the rulers of
France have succeeded in exciting the natural but much
too susceptible self-esteem of this great neighboring peo-
ple, for their own personal interests, and to gratify their
own passions." " Let us follow the example of our fath-
ers," the King concludes, " in defending our freedom and
our just rights, against the violence of foreign conquerors ;
and God will be with us, as he was with them, in our strug-
gle, which has no other object than to secure the peace of
Europe, permanently."

The Emperor of France, on his side, in his response to
the Deputies of the Chamber, who called upon him at the

376 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Tuilleries, concluded his remarks with an expression of his
confidence in the success of the French arms. " I know,"
he stated, " that France supports me ; and that God pro-
tects France." The Heavens, in fact, however, .did not pro-
tect France ; and the French people ceased, in a short time,
to support the Emperor. Th6 Emperor of France, aping
the career of his uncle, and having for his motive the humil-
iation and downfall of Prussia and the German State, as in
the past, intrigued for alliances with nearly every other
Power in Europe ; fruitlessly claiming, as a plea for assist-
ance from other States, that Prussia's ambition threatened,
to disturb the balance of Power in Europe, and menaced
the security of every State. England, Sweden, Italy, Den-
mark, and Austria were approached for alliance with
France, who now put forth the claim to be the champion
of the liberties of Europe. But her blandishing diplomacy
and her threats were of no effect : she met with humiliating
rebuffs, even from Austria and the South German States,
who were still smarting under defeats at the hands of
Prussia ; and all Europe formally declared itself neutral —
the great duel went on to the bitter end ; and France found
out, too late, that she had indulged in delusions, not only
as to her own military power, and the strength of her
adversary, but as to her influence in Europe. The terrible
features and startling results of the Franco-German war of
1870 are among the memorable records of recent European
history. King William was crowned Emperor of Germany,
at Versailles, on the i8th of January, 1871, and the first
German Congress under the new Empire assembled at
Berlin, in March ensuing.

To Spain, after it had gone through with the various
experiences of insurrections, provisional governments, re-
gencies, and a democratic federal Republic, the Bourbon
line was finally restored in January, 1875, in the person of
Alphonso XII., a son of Isabella II., who had been made
Queen through an abolition of the Salic law by her father,
Ferdinand VII., which law had been introduced into Spain by
the Bourbons, and by virtue of which abolition, Don Carlos,
a brother of Ferdinand, had been excluded from the throne.

AGGRANDIZEMENT OF PRUSSIA. 377

In connection with the recent preponderance obtained
by Prussia in Germany, the views of Talleyrand, drawn up
with other memoranda as instructions for his guidance at
the Congress of Vienna, may be here referred to. That
great Congress, which was composed of the most notable
collection of Princes and diplomatists that was ever gath-
ered together, had, for its arduous task, the reorganization
of the political system of Europe, after the extraordinary
disturbance of its former conditions, through the ambition
and prowess of Bonaparte.

The question of the aggrandizement of Prussia was one
of the most important under discussion : and, by reason of
the conduct of the King of Saxony, in being the most
devoted as well as the most favored of the vassals of Bona-
parte, during his European wars, it was proposed to trans-
fer the Kingdom of Saxony to Prussia.

Talleyrand strongly opposed the proposed deprivation
of the Royal family of Saxony of its hereditary dominions ;
although Russia, and, at first, England and Austria, strongly
advocated the step. Talleyrand urged that the equilibrium
of Germany would be destroyed, if Saxony were sacrificed
to the ambitious views of Prussia. His views on the sub-
ject were thus expressed, and seem almost prophetic :

" In Italy it is Austria that must be prevented from pre-
dominating ; in Germany, it is Prussia. The Constitution
of the Prussian monarchy makes ambition a kind of neces-
sity. Every pretext is good in its sight ; no scruple arrests
it. Convenance is the law. The Allies have, it is said,
pledged themselves to replace Prussia in the same condi-
tion as she was before her fall — that; is to say, with ten
millions of subjects. If she be left alone, she will soon
have twenty millions ; and all Germany will be in subjection
to her. It is, then, necessary to curb her ambition, in the
first place, by restricting, as much as possible, her status of
possession in Germany, and in the second place, by restrict-
ing her influence, by federal organization."

As a result of the deliberations certain cessions were made
of Saxon' territory.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

THE ARBITRAMENT OF ARMS.

Human passions, whether directed so as to carry out
Divine intentions, or allowed to range unchecked, are
traced in history, as prominently leading to the events
that have shaped the fortunes of Races and of Nations.
They who perceive a manifestation of Divine foresight in
every movement of human life, must necessarily recognize
such direction over the minds of those who have been in-
strumental in producing such events'.

Contemplating the great Panorama that Time unfolds,
such thinkers perceive what others may not — the involved,
although comprehensive and harmonious action of a supe-
rior design, through human forces, to bring about the great
results that History records.

" God," says St. Augustine, " is the principle of all rule,
of all beauty, of all order, of all measure, of all weight, of
all number. He who has not left — I will not say the
Heavens and the Earth, angels and men — but the very
entrails of the smallest and vilest animal, the feather of the
bird, the most minute flower of the field, the leaf of the
tree, without a proper agreement of parts, and the harmony
which results from this agreement — can it be possible that
He has wished to leave the kingdoms of men and their
dominions and their servitudes outside of the laws of His
providence ? "

And yet, if man, under the terms of his existence, is but
an instrument of a higher force, all criticism of historic per-
sonages is disarmed — all philosophic reflection on historic
results is illusory : — the past can show no precedents — we
can no longer prognosticate, from passions or motives, their
probable consequences — the record of what humanity has
thought, achieved or suffered is neither to its credit nor
disparagement — and man can but deplore the condition

378

THE ARBITRAMENT QF ARMS. 379

which retains him as a blind actor on the Theatre of Time,
with a reason purposeless, and a will over which he has no
control.

History, under such a view, instead of being an aid to
philosophy, and teaching by example — pointing to the
significance of the Present by contrast with the Past^is a
mere dull record of fatalities.

Be this as Lt may, and the question can never be de-
termined, — the annals of the Past show that it is to the
Passions, and generally to the fiercer Passions, acting
directly or indirectly, impelled from on high, or working at
their will, that are to be mainly attributed the momentous
events of History. " History," says Lingard, "is nothing
but a picture of the miseries inflicted on the multitude, by
the passions of a few."

The disturbance of political and governmental conditions
in the times above reviewed, variously either produced, or
were the immediate results of War — the outlet of human
passion — which is called by Bentham " Mischief upon its
largest scale."

Some writers consider the attitude of hostility which man,
in all ages, has maintained towards man, as an innate char-
acteristic of the race.

The philosopher Hobbes claims that the state of man
without society, is a state of war — because there is the
right of all to all — and one invades, and the other resists.
As a consequence, it follows that the beginning of society
is based on apprehension of attack from those who have the
desire to seize or to hurt.

When social systems have become compact, and individ-
ual natures are under restraint, other causes for attack
appear — such as the desire of control, or ambition, and the
desire of renown proceeding from vanity ; and, as civiliza-
tion progresses, the passion or feeling of pride involves
causes of war appertaining to the succession of dynasties
and the sensitiveness that champions national honor : there
is also bigotry that sacrifices all to faith, and patriotism
that bleeds for the native soil — the spirit of retaliation,
and also the apprehension that would prevent such ag-

380 THE HISTORY OP A GREAT TREATY.

grandizement of another's power as would giye a danger-
ous strength.

This law of destruction has been shaped by public senti-
ment, into moral aspects. These are, indeed, in most
respects, conventional.

In one case, a killing is viewed as a wrong demanding a
reparation by blood — in another, it is. justifiable and receives
commendation. So some wars, in the eyes of civilization,
are deemed commendable and righteous ; and many, even,
as shown in sacred history, have been immediately directed
by divine order — others are denounced as brutal, and
stamped with guilt. When great crimes, however, are per-
petrated by a Nation, the guilt is lost sight of, in the multi-
tude of perpetrators ; and conscientiousness is so diffused
that there is no self-reproach. Many jurists have main-
tained the theory, that the same rules and , principles of
natural and moral law, which properly prevail among indi-
viduals, in their social relations, should prevail among
nations, in their political capacities. While others treat
International law as a distinct political science, and as one,
which, in its nature and essence, is quite distinct from the
laws governing individuals ; and, involving no moral obliga-
tions, is dependent, not on principles that may be always
applied but on conditions that vacillate and can never be
regulated by precedent. " When a king makes a mistake,"
said Louis XIV., "he must repair the fault as soon as
possible, and everything must be sacrificed — even goodness."
He it was that wrote " ultima ratio regum " on his cannon.

It is evident that the principles of morality and a regard
for humanity, in general, had little force in the guidance of
the councils of the two great States most concerned in the
contest that preceded the Peace of Utrecht.

With them. War was not an "ultima ratio" to secure a
right, but a means to secure What Might could bring.

The leading motive, in fact, the basis of the great war of
the Spanish Succession, was the desire of France and Aus-
tria, respectively, for preponderance ; — a preponderance not
necessary for the welfare of either; and which, so far as the
masses of the people of those countries were concerned.

THE ARBITRAMENT OF ARMS. 381

— always oppressed — was immaterial. The people of Spain,
too, the debatable land, were fought over, as if they were
chattels to be transferred to this or that potentate, regard-
less of their wishes or welfare.

The ambitious action of the two great States, in further-
ance of their claims, drew all Western Europe into the
struggle, and involved it in political complications, that
nothing but a general exhaustion followed by a general
pacification could remove.

And what was the Political result ? In five years after
France, with an expenditure of life and treasure that ex-
hausted her, had placed her Bourbon monarch on the
throne of Spain, she was compelled to invade that conntry
with her troops, in order to repress him : and the Pacifica-
tion of Utrecht, so far as it claimed to be a binding
compact, was a political nullity.

In looking back, with a general aspect, over the period
reviewed in the foregoing chapters, the impress made by a
few active and daring minds upon the lives and fortunes of
their fellow-beings and upon the political condition of
States, suggests itself for contemplation,

Hardly more than a score of leading men and a few
women were instrumental in moving about, like puppets,
the masses of the people, the main sufferers in all the
calamities of war and its consequences ; and who, impotent
in political life, were martyrs to the personal aims of the
few, who, by fortune or by policy, had acquired control.

The political movements of the times were resolved in
dark councils and concocted in secret cabinets, or were the
results of pure despotic fantasy : and humanity bled and
civilization was impeded, through the quarrels of courtiers,
the intrigues of cabals, or the personal aims of those in
power. These settled their differences, and achieved their
aggrandizement through the sacrifice of those beneath
them ; who, left neglected, ignorant and despised, were
kept in social degradation and political subjection. Such a
thing as independent public opinion, if it ever dared to
manifest itself, was insolently repressed ; and murmuring
and objections were silenced as treasonable.

382 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

National interests, it is true; were with some nations,
apparently, at first, a motive for action ; but, in time, these
became subordinated to personal considerations ; and never
would have been involved unless through the action of
some aggressive potentate or ministry, moving in disregard
of a natural or a national right.

The part played by women in the history of the epoch
that has been considered is remarkable.

In England, in France, and in Spain, respectively, the
power of three women was felt in the council and in the
field ; and was instrumental in the furtherance of every im-
portant event. Not influenced by the gentle virtues of the
sex — nor guided by the gentler passions, but impelled by
the more masculine attributes of ambition and greed, these
women, in their respective spheres, played parts in the
events of those times that have made them memorable.
The influence obtained by Madame de Maintenon over her
capricious and despotic admirer is one of the remarkable
facts in the chronicles of France. She was not only ap-
pealed to for advice, but her advice was always followed :
she placed and displaced ministers and generals ; and while,
with great sagacity, appearing, humbly, to advise the mon-
arch, she, in fact, ruled the State.

In England, supplanting the Duchess of Marlborough,
whose influence had long been powerful in the government,
Mrs. Masham, in her turn, wheedling the weak-minded
Queen, became the pivot on which turned, at times, affairs
of the State and sometimes of Europe. She outwitted and
ejected the Marlboroughs who were persistent for the war,
and promoted the employment of Harley and the Tories
who advocated peace. In due time she had Harley re-
moved ; and, acting with the Jacobites and working still on
the mind of the Queen, nearly diverted the established
order of succession to the crown, in favor of the Pretender.
In Spain, a transplanted French woman exercised a su-
preme power, during the entire period of the war of the
Succession. Anne Marie de la Tremoille, widow by a sec-
ond marriage of a Prince d'Orsini, become Camarera mayor
of the Queen of Spain, in 1701, exercised such influence

THE ARBITRAMENT OF ARMS. 383

over that Princess and consequently over the King, that
she governed both of them, and was, practically, the sov-
ereign of that kingdom : and, seeking to make Spain inde-
pendent of the control of France, persuaded Philip to
throw off the guardianship of Louis XIV., in which he
almost, succeeded. Nothing was done without her inter-
ference, and Ministers, Ambassadors and Generals were dis-,
missed at her pleasure.*

At the present day, the higher development of the indi-
vidual condition of man and a broader assertion and recog-
nition of his rights, have, by progress slow but substantial,
somewhat restricted the arbitrary action of rulers, in pro-
moting war.

The progress of philanthropic ideas has also, to a great
extent, modified the features of war ; and new principles
mitigating its severity, have, among civilized nations, been
gradually adopted. Formerly, and even in times not re-
mote, massacre or slavery followed subjection or defeat in
warfare — towns were recklessly bombarded — private prop-
erty was confiscated, and non-combatants were ruthlessly
slaughtered. Through modern civilization, the conflicts of
States are conducted by their established armies, and the
individual rights of non-belligerents are, theoretically, at
least, respected.

There is now, too, a general feeling against the system
of private war, or " privateering," at sea, as well as on land
— as being harsh in practice and barren in results.

* At the conclusion of the war, the Princess Orsini or des Ursins (as
she is generally called), made claim to have accorded to her a principality
in the Netherlands, as a reward for her services in Spain. Such a con-
cession was actually made to her, in the Treaty of 171 3, at Utrecht ; but,
in the subsequent treaty with the Emperor, her claim was rejected ; and
the Emperor refused to allow any of his States in the Netherlands to be
taken for that purpose. The Princess, subsequently, fell in her own
toils. On the decease of the Queen of Spain, in 17 14, she sought to
secure another wife for the King, who would be subservient to her will,
and procured, as queen, Elizabeth Farnesse, a daughter of the Duke of
Parma, who, however, immediately on her arrival, with the assistance of
Alberoni, summarily kidnapped the intriguing Princess, and transported
her out of Spain.

384 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

The softening influences of Christianity, as promulgated
through its moral teaching, and the partial elimination of
sectarian bitterness from theological controversy are sup-
posed to have had influence to lessen both the evils of and
the occasions for international strife. The fiats and Bulls
of the Papal See no longer are causes for political disturb-
ance, and no longer inflame peaceful States. The antag-
onism between Protestant and Roman Catholic States, as
such, has long since disappeared ; and principles of tol-
eration and sentiments springing from human sympathy
have shaped and illumined the Modern International Code.

Commerce, too, with its improved appliances, by
strengthening and multiplying the personal interests which
are in natural opposition to war, is supposed materially to
have reduced the disposition to engage in it. Under the
above humanizing influences, - Congresses, Conferences,
Mediations and other pacific agencies are now more often
appealed to, to settle international differences, and to avoid
the stern and irrational arbitrament of arms.

In spite, however, of the extension of Christianity, of the
progress and distribution of knowledge and of the friendly
influences of Commerce, with the increased facilities it
affords for communication, negotiation and explanation.
War, even in this highly civilized era, is entered into on
grounds even less substantial than in the past two centu-
ries, and is of no less frequent occurrence. Advancing Civ-
ilization has its moral, its humane and its intellectual tri-
umphs ; but, sadly enough, with its developed facilities for
spreading destruction, and its multiplication of the means
and appliances of slaughter, has, not only, done little
towards checking the stoicism that disregards the sacred-
ness of life, and that accepts war as the main solution for
international differences, but has, in fact, extended the area
of human suffering.

Nations now contend on apprehensions more remote and
on policy more delicate than ever before ; the people with a
wider comprehension and acknowledgment of their nat-
ural rights are still the ready instruments to carry out the
barbarous conclusions of a war policy: — the finger in the

THE ARBITRAMENT OF ARMS. 385

Cabinet still, remorselessly, moves the unthinking masses
to their doom — and the hapless soldier's sigh still " runs, in
blood, down palace walls."

A desire to divert attention from the follies or oppres-
sion of the local government, the attempted occupation of
some remote barbarian region, the offended dignity or the
rash action of an official, an imagined threatening attitude
or increased armament, a supposed insult to the " flag,"
•or some other small ground of irritation to National pride,
or to the fetich worshipped by Civilization as " National
honor," may be the spark to inflame wise nations into con-
flict, and spread devastation among people who undergo
the infliction as willingly, and blindly as they did in the
time of Louis XIV. — and, indeed, often clamor, like wolves,
for the feast of blood.

Large standing armies, unknown of yore, ready and
eager for the march, keep hosts of men from the pursuits
of industry — the advocates for international peace and con-
cord are ridiculed as dreamers, the schooling and prepara-
tion for war absorbs the greatest part of the attention of
modern governments, and, as is remarked by Froude, " the
arts which have made the greatest progress are the arts of
destruction." Machiavelli's instructions to his Prince seem
still applicable. " A prince," wrote he, " is to have no
•other design, nor thought, nor study but war, and the arts
and discipline of it."

Is Civilization, in truth, only a cloak to conceal the con-
tinuous barbarism of man, and does History tend, not only
to verify the theory of the Philosopher of Malmsbury that
War is the natural state of human beings, but to show
that it is a necessary process of human society?

The history of Europe, at least, in the latter as well as
in the former part of this nineteenth century shows that'
the desire for conquest, the thirst for dominion among
nations, and the readiness to destroy life for those pur-
poses have not abated : and that, to these and other pas-
sions, the principles of humanity so highly vaunted, are
still subordinate.

And yet, how ca,refully, on the other hand, and under
25

386 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

other circumstances is this human life nursed and watched,
and guarded, and treasured, in and by itself, and by others \
What apprehensions for its safety — what grief when it
trembles in the socket ! — what despair and desolation when
it -goes out — even naturally, under the general doom !

There are schools and colleges set apart to instruct those
who will be specially skilled to preserve it. There are
learned physicists to devise theories and practices therefor.

There is an army of them, from Hippocrates and Galenus
down. They study and ponder and reason together how
to keep off the grim reaper — how to comfort, to heal, to
soothe, to assuage. Chemistry, Botany, Microscopy, As-
trology — the true and the false sciences — and the hand-
maid arts are called in. The bowels of the earth, the dim
recesses of the sea, the secret haunts of nature will be ran-
sacked for remedies, for palliatives, for detergents, for pan-
aceas.

Ingenious men will invent, and skilful men will make
instruments of divers shape and device, to assist in the
preservation.

There is a ceaseless fight with the remorseless forces of
nature; with the insidious germ-cell, with the poisonous
miasma, with the thunder-cloud, the whirlwind, the earth-
quake ; with the powers of fire and air and water. There
is war with the lower creation — a war to destroy them that
may be hurtful ; a war to seize those that may nourish.

Men and women will dig, and plough, and reap, and spin
to sustain, to foster, pamper, and preserve this mysterious
thing — so precious, so cherished, so fragile, and so fleeting!
There will be also invocation, precation, and deprecation
made to gods, and idols, and saints, and demons^each for
its time ; to ^sculapius and to Hygeia ; to the sole God
and to the multiform divinity ; to Indra, to Isis, and to
Elohim; to Vichnu, the preserver, and to Siva, the de-
stroyer. There will be prayei-s offered, sacrifices made,
wheels turned, and beads told, to spirits of good and spirits
of evil— to Ormuzd, and to Ahriman — to the left eye-tooth
of Buddha — to the blood of St. Januarius — to Diana of
Ephesus — to our Lady of Lourdes, or Loretto — and even

THE ARBITRAMENT OF ARMS. 387

to Abadonna, the devil ; — all this, to ward off the blow and
preserve the spark.

And yet, per contra, — and yet there are untold thousands
studying art and science for the quenching of this same
vital spark ; how most quickly, effectually, and extensively,
to make the great severance. Every new appliance for the
defence of life is met by a new instrument for its destruc-
tion. The herdsman will leave his flock, the husbandman
the field, the artisan his useful toil, to learn the art of slay-
ing his fellows, with whom he hath no quarrel. Good and
wise men will lead and teach them how best to slaughter, —
men that are gentle of spirit, and, otherwise, mayhap,
philanthropical. Books • will be written, pious men will
pray, geniuses will think and study and plot how best to do
it. Opposing hosts of aggregate humanity will be massed,
and reap each other down like grain. The grim Moloch
of War is ever insatiate. And so the devilish game, from
age to age, goes on.

It is a curious commentary on this advanced age that he
who has the highest honor, the most conspicuous and ele-
vated position, in any land, be it barbarian or civilized, is
he who has been the most successful slayer of his fellow-
men.

The great General far outranks the great humanitarian.
The phosphorescent emanations from slaughtered humanity
arise and make a halo about his head, — he glitters as a
"hero " through the pages of history; he is asked to take
the reins of State. He has honor, glory, power.

There are still among nations a wild national fanaticism
. and a social cynicism that blind them to the principles of
justice and humanity : and good is called evil, and evil
good, under the terrible instincts that make them rush into
conflict with little regard to where lie the weights in the
scale of justice.

Ambition, greed, jealousy, false pride, will often put on
masks, and call themselves by the names of " national
honor," or "national interest" or "patriotism," and clamor
loudly under those names.

Swift, the satirical observer, painted this business, in his

388 THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

time, and the satire is still applicable. " Sometime the
quarrel between two princes is to decide which of them
shall dispossess a third of his dominions, where neither of
them pretend to any right ; sometimes, one prince quarrels
with another, for fear the other should quarrel with him ;
sometimes, a war is entered upon because the enemy is too
strong ; and sometime because he is weak ; sometimes our
neighbors want the things which we have, or have the
things which we want — and we both fight till they have
ours, or give us theirs.

" If a prince sends forces into a nation, where the people
are poor and ignorant, he may lawfully put half of them to
death, and make slaves of the rest, in order to civilize and
reduce them from their barbarous way of living. It is a
very kingly, honorable, and frequent practice, where one
prince requires the assistance of another to secure him
against an invasion, that the assistant, when he has driven
out the invader, should seize on the dominions himself;
and kill, imprison or banish the prince he came to relieve.
Alliance by blood or marriage is a frequent cause of war
between princes ; and the nearer the kindred is the greater
the disposition to quarrel ; poor nations are hungry and
rich nations are proud ; and pride and hunger will be ever
at variance.

" For these reasons, the trade of a soldier is held the
most honorable of all others, because a soldier is a Yahoo
hired to kill, in cold blood, as many of his own species who
have never offended him as he possibly can."

The French laughing philosopher, in his " Vision of
Babouc," has well satirized the intelligence that character-
izes licensed throat-cutting. " Babouc mounted his camel
and set out with his attendants ; after several days' journey,
he met, near the plains of Senaar, the Persian army, which
was going to battle against the Indian army. He first
spoke to a soldier whom he met marching apart from
the others, and inquired of him what was the occasion of
the war. ' By all the gods,' responded the soldier, ' I know
nothing about it. It is none of my business. My business
is to kill and be killed, for a livelihood. I don't care whom

THE ARBITRAMENT OF ARMS. 389

I serve. I might even to-morrow go over to the Indian
camp ; for, it is said, that they give nearly a half a copper a
day to their soldiers more than we receive in this cursed
Persian service. If you want to know what we are fighting
about ask the Captain.' Babouc, having given a little
douceur to the soldier, went into the camp ; he soon made
the acquaintance of the captain, and asked what was the
object of the war. ' How do you suppose I know,' said the
Captain, ' and what do I care about such a fine subject? I
live two leagues from Persepolis ; I hear that war is de-
clared ; I immediately leave my family, and I go to seek,
according to our custom, fortune or death; particularly as 1
have nothing else to do.' ' But your comrades,' said Ba-
bouc, ' are they not better informed than you ? ' ' No,'
said the Captain, ' nobody but our principal Satraps know
precisely why we are cutting each other's throats.'

" Babouc being introduced to the stafTj became at home
with them : and one of them informed him as follows*
' The cause of this war,' said he, ' which has desolated
India for twenty years, arises from a dispute between a
eunuch of the grand King of Persia's women and a clerk in
the Cabinet of the grand King of the Indies. The question
was about a duty which amounted to about the thirtieth
part of a daric. Our prime minister and the prime minister
of the Indies sustained the dignity of their respective mas-
ters. The generals got warm on either side — an army of a
million of soldiers was put in the field, and these armies
have both annually recruited to the extent of four hundred
thousand men. Murders, incendiarism, ruin and devasta-
tion daily increase. The whole universe suffers, and the
slaughter goes on. Our prime minister and he of the
Indies both often protest that they are only acting for the
benefit of the human race; and, at each protestation, there
are always cities destroyed and provinces laid waste.' "

" Deliver me, O Lord ! from they that imagine mischief in
their heart ; continually are they gathered together for

war

Thus prayed good King David, and yet he received
celestial assistance in his continual fights and throat-cuttings

39° THE HISTORY OF A GREAT TREATY.

Tvith the Canaanites, the Amalekites, the Amorites, the
Perizzites, the Hittites, and the Girgashites ; and this ex-
emplary potentate, on one of his excursions, " saved neither
man nor woman alive." On another, he put all the people
of the conquered cities of the Amorites " under saws, and
under harrows of iron, and under axes of iron, and made
them pass through the brick kiln." This, indeed, is puz-
zling !

Are we indeed as ants, and do the heavenly powers en-
courage licensed throat-cutting ?

There seems, actually, no remedy for all this thing — no
substitute. High civilization, doubtless, requires it all, in a
political, if not in an anthropological sense. One man
wields the sword, the other the lancet. The people are
taxed that the rulers may maintain a host of licensed hom-
icides. Democritus laughs over it, — so does Mephistoph-
eles!

APPENDIX

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I., p. i.

The following is the definition of the ''Balance of
Power," in Europe, given in one of the instructions to
Talleyrand (and probably drawn up by him), for his con-
duct at the Congress of Vienna.*

" It is a combination of the mutual rights and interests of
the Powers, by means of which, Europe aims at securing^
the following objects :

" 1st. That no single Power, nor any union of Powers,
shall have the mastery in Europe.

" 2d. That no single Power, nor union of Powers, shall be
at liberty to infringe the actual possession and recognized
rights of any other Power.

" 3d. That it shall no longer be necessary, in order ta
maintain the established state of affairs, to live in a state of
imminent or actual war, and that the proposed combination
shall secure the peace and repose of Europe against the
efforts of a disturber, by diminishing his chances of suc-
cess."

* Correspondence of Prince Talleyrand and Louis XVIII., with notes,
by M. G. Pallain.

393

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER V., p. 49-

Extract from the memoirs of Daniel de Cosnac, Arch-
bishop of Aix, and, at one time, one of the Council of the
King ; who, in his memoirs, states, that it was a source of
glory to him that, even before the Revocation of the Edict
of Nantes, he had destroyed all the Protestant places of
worship in his diocese.

" I retired to my diocese, and hardly had I arrived there,
when dragbons were sent in all the places where there were
any Huguenots. I relaxed no efforts in trying to make
conversions, either by my teaching, or by the effect of
favors, or of money. My care was not without reward, —
scarcely ever failing to succeed. I admit that the fear of
the dragoons and of their being quartered in' the houses of
the heretics might have done more than my exertions.
This lasted over two years ; and that which particularly ad-
vanced conversions was an Assembly of Huguenots, which
took place, in the territories of my Bishopric ; and where
4000 men were assembled to defend themselves and their
Heresy. Monsieur de St. Ruth,* who commanded the
troops, having attacked and routed them, burned more than
two hundred, who had taken refuge in a barn. A great
number of prisoners were taken, and the rest dispersed —
not daring to reappear. Those who were taken were con-
demned to die by the hands of the Executioner. All the
prisons in my diocese were full of these wretched people,
and the Intendant executed several of them, when their
trials were finished. It was a terrible spectacle ! "

In another place the Archbishop writes of the fate of a
Huguenot Minister, who, with another, had been put under
arrest : and thus records this story of blood :

* Subsequently killed by the English Protestant troops, at the battle
of Aughrim.

394

APPENDIX. 395

" These two ministers were in prison in the City of Tour-
non, in my diocese; and I learned that they had been tried,
■and that the Minister Hoinel, who was highly esteemed by
his party, had been condemned to be broken alive on the
wheel, and his body exposed in four places of the District,
where he had lived as minister over 30 years — his com-
panion was adjudged to be hung.

" I felt constrained to go to Tournon, to try and rescue
these men out of their miserable condition, if possible —
both their bodies and souls. On arriving at the locality in
the city, where the gallows was erected, I saw the execu-
tioner holding captive the second minister, who was clad in
his shirt, with a rope about his neck, by which the execu-
tioner was leading him. I cried out with all my strength,
' Stop the execution ! ' and, arriving on the spot, I ad-
vanced and took the minister out of the hands of the exe-
cutioner, and, having taken him into a, neighboring house,
I exhorted him to consider how Divine Providence had
sent me to his aid, and to save his soul. The man resisted
for some time, and seemed firm in the midsi of such great
danger ; but, in less than an hour, he promised to abjure
his heresy, and, in fact, the next day, he made the renunci-
ation, apparently in good faith, acknowledging that he was
satisfied with the reasons that I advanced in response to his
enquiries.

" After having finished this I spoke with him as to the
Minister Homel ; and asked in what condition I would find
him : and whether he would not feel like acting as the
other had. He took all hope of this from me, by stating,
that Homel was prepared for any suffering; and would not
listen to anything I could say towards his conversion.
* * * * However, as I was in the place where the man was
confined, I entered into a dungeon where I found him im-
prisoned ; and having caused him to be seated near me, I
commenced, by calling his attention to the unfortunate
condition in which he was placed. He replied, with firm-
ness, that he was aware of it, and was even, thanks to God,
contented with it ; and quoted several passages of Scrip-
ture. After having let him speak for some time, we en-

396 APPENDIX.

tered into the reasons by which he was persuaded that he
was in the true path. There was no fundamental point of
the controversy left undiscussed. He defended himself as
well as he could, but the point on which it was impossible
to convince him was, the invocation to the Saints. On
greater difficulties he seemed more reasonable ; and I did
not despair of conquering his spirit — but, on the above
point, he was firm ; stating that he never would have re-
course to any one for prayer, except his Redeemer.

" I was more than four hours in this conference with him.
I did not speak of removing him from the prison where he
was placed, and gave him no particular hope of his life. I
suppose that he appeared so conciliatory as to the matters
of which I had spoken to him, with some idea of saving
his life ; which, probably, would have been the best way tO'
convert him from his wicked religion. He told me, how-
ever, that if he had time to reflect on what I had told him,
he thought God would direct him what he had better do —
but now he was under sentence of immediate death. I told
him that, to save his soul, there was sufficient time ; and
that he ought to profit by God's mercy. He recognized,
by this remark, that there was no hope for him ; and I
declared to him that I had still authority to open the
Heavens for him — but not to let him live on the earth — so
that, finding no way of saving him, I left him to his fate.
He was broken on the wheel alive, the next day ;* and what
is extraordinary, and of which I was informed by those
who were present at the sad sight is, that, during his tor-
ments, he never ceased from invoking Abraham, Isaac and
Jacob, and other Patriarchs of the Old Testament, which
surprised me, as he had expressed himself so strongly
against the invocation of Saints."

* 20th October, 1683.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VIII., p. 76.

MEMORANDA FROM THE DESPATCHES OF THE MARQUIS
D'HARCOURT to LOUIS XIV.

Sept. 26, 1698. — In this despatch, the Marquis speaks of
the advantages of the first proposed Partition Treaty, as
tending to prevent a general war, inasmuch as the ''House
of Bavaria will have the Spanish Dominions, and France
will have Naples and Sicily — ^but apprehends trouble from
the Emperor and the Spaniards, and that the grandees of
Spain will be disappointed in losing these Vice-Royalties ;
and the people at large will not think the weak house of
Bavaria will be of great assistance in support of the Spanish
Kingdom. In a Despatch of 19th Nov., 1698, he speaks of
the Envoy of Bavaria having bestowed large quantities of
pistoles on the Countess Berlips and others, and of the dis-
position by the will of Charles in favor of the Electoral
Prince ; and of the assembling of the Council where the
fact was declared to it. That Count Harach was indignant
at the news, and demanded an audience of the Queen, who
informed him that she knew nothing about the matter.

In a Despatch of 2d Dec, 1698, d'Harcourt says " there
is nothing to prevent the tearing up of the will, as also any
will made in favor of the Archduke."

Under date of i8th Feb., 1699, the Marquis states that
the King of Spain has sense enough to know good from
bad ; but that he is so weak and irresolute that he has no
will of his own — and that he is easily influenced by those he
stands in fear of, especially by the Queen, who can make
the King do whatever she wishes. — That the Queen is
avaricious of money and sells all the places, and is abso-
lutely controlled by Countess Berlips, who is even more
avaricious than her Mistress. That the Admiral has great

397

398 APPENDIX.

influence over the Queen, and is a keen politician, and very-
ambitious and insincere, and desires to marry the Queen
and become King himself. — That those three persons gov-
ern Spain. The Marquis also states that they do what they
please with the King and the laws. That the Count of
Oropesa is also devoted to the Queen, of whom he is
afraid ; and that the Admiral makes a tool of him. That
no one else makes any efforts to influence the King towards
good government, because the above persons have complete
control of him. That most of the grandees are ignorant
and lethargic — and the people he meets are singularly indo-
lent ; and all mistrust each other.

He speaks also of the discontent of the people at large,
of the bad government they are under, and at the tottering
state of the Kingdom, and of the people's desire that it
should not be dismembered ; and that every one sees, that
the only way to prevent that would be to have a grandson
of Louis XIV. on the throne of Spain ; who would with the
aid of France be able to protect and sustain the Kingdom.
— That this is now the popular feeling and is being openly
expressed. He then speaks of the project for the second
Treaty of Partition. He also speaks of overtures made by
the Queen for some negotiation with him, but doubts her
sincerity ; and states that the Emperor is now endeavoring
to arrange matters with her — although she had somewhat
irritated that monarch ; that her disposition would naturally
be for the Imperial House, and that he recommends the
King of France to make an arrangement with the Queen, so
that the Cortes can be assembled, and that one of Louis-
grandsons be designated as Prince of Asturias, and receive
the oaths — and then that such disposition be made, that on
the decease of Charles II. the matter may be accomplished.
The Marquis further states that it will be necessary to act
speedily, to prevent action by Austria, and a reconciliation
of the Queen with the Emperor. On 8th July, 1699, the
Marquis writes of a project to remove the King of Spain
from the throne, set on foot by the People ; and that a me-
morial had been signed to that effect. — On 25th March,
1700, the Marquis writes, that he has heard that the King

APPENDIX. 399

of England had signed the second Treaty of Partition ; and
thinks that the Treaty will secure more advantages to the
King of France than anything that could be gained from
the disposition of the Spaniards.

On the 8th and 15th April, 1700, he writes, that he would
not be surprised, from what he hears, as going on between
the King, the Queen, and Ubilla, if the Archduke were sent
for, and thinks some important movement is on the tapis
as the troops are marching about, but all is done in a mys-
terious way.

On 1 2th May, 1700, he writes of conferences between
the King, the Queen and the Due de Mol^s, the Spanish
Ambassador to Vienna, and considers that all this is favor-
able to the Archduke ; but all this, he states, is very dis-
pleasing to both nobles and people, but the timidity is so
great, that nobody complains.

In a second set of despatches, d'Harcourt thus commu-
nicates to the French King. From Bordeaux, 30th Oct.,
1700, he writes that De Blacourt has despatched a courier
notifying the King that the King^of Spain had made a cod-
icil confirming a will of 3d Oct., in favor of the grandson
of the King of France.

He balances the advantages of adhering to the Treaty of
Partition, or to the will ; and intimates that in either case
there will be a war, but that if the Will is adopted the first
movement would be a violent one, but would soon subside.
From Bayonne, 7th Nov., 1700: He urges that the Will
be adopted, and says that the expenses of war under
the Treaty would be greater than by adoption of Charles'
Will. From Madrid, 20th Dec, 1700, he speaks of the
enthusiasm in Madrid for Louis, and says that it will be
difficult to reform the government, and that everybody is
anxious for reform except in his own case.

On 22d Dec, 1700, he speaks of depriving the English
and Dutch of the Spanish and East Indian trades.

On 27th Dec, 1700, he speaks of the good intentions of
the Cardinal Portocarrero, and advises Louis to send word
to the ministry in Spain, to sign whatever he may direct
them to do.

400 APPENDIX.

From St. Jean de Luz, 17th Jan., 1701, he advises the
removal of the Dutch troops from the Netherlands.

" If that Republic," he states, " would follow its true in-
terests and were really free, it would put itself under the
protection of your Majesty ; but its principal men, having
been for a long time gained by the King of England, private
persons have to sacrifice their interests to the passion for
that Prince. I think the delay of the Dutch to recognize
the King of Spain, and to answer to the request for the
evacuation, and the insinuation of the Ambassador of
Sweden, are only pretexts to prepare themselves, and to
gain time ; and if you are to have war, it were better to
have it now than to-morrow. I even dare to say to your
Majesty that the war in this conjuncture will be a short one,
•and will be more advantageous than peace — since it will
give you opportunity to make any peace you choose."

On i8th March, 1701, he states: " I have remarked with
pleasure, in the last letter of M- de Tallard, the impossibility
in which the English are placed to sustain any war they
may undertake for over two years."

On 7th April, 1701, he writes : " The King of Spain shows
a perfect desire to obey your orders in everything. He
conducts himself in a way that might be hoped for in a
young Prince. He is a little more confident, and bolder
than formerly. He speaks Spanish with everybody. He is
willing to receive advice with docility and good sense. He
is becoming more intelligent, daily, and your Majesty
■ought to be pleased with the fact that he has a sense of
true glory, and acts to meet approval. He only requires to
be a little more animated."

" He shows himself frequently, and after his hour devoted
to the despatches, he makes the tour of his apartments,
where all persons can see and speak to him, or present
petitions ; and as he does this every day, he gives no audi-
ences. On Fridays, only, as did his predecessor, there is
always some persons to dinner, and even citizens ; although
that is contrary to Spanish etiquette. He often passes
through the city, on horseback, and whenever that happens
he is escorted to his palace by a crowd of people, as on
the day of his arrival."

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXII., p. 219.

St. John, in a violent diatribe, in the early papers of the
Examiner, attacked the Whigs on every point. " In Spain,
in Savoy, on the Rhine," he writes, " enough and but just
enough has been done to serve as a pretence for estimates
and demands for supplies ; but nothing decisive, — nothing
which had the appearance of earnest has been so much
as attempted, except that wise expedition to Thoulon,
which we suffered to be defeated before it began. The
whole stress of the war has been wantonly laid where
France is best able to keep us at bay ; as if we fought only
to make ostentation of our valor and riches. * * * From
whence it appears probable enough, that if the war contin-
ues much longer on the present foot, instead of regaining
Spain, we shall find the Duke of Anjou in a condition to
pay the debt of gratitude and support to the grandfather,
in his declining years, by whose arms, in the days of his
infancy, he was upheld. — The Dutch will have a larger and
better country than their own, at the expense of Britain —
conquered for them by those ministers, who thought it
once impolitic for them to consent that even Ostend should
be made a part of their barrier. Britain may expect to re-
main exhausted of men and money, to see her trade di-
vided among her neighbors, her revenues anticipated, even
to future generations, and to have lost this only glory left
her, that she has proved a farm to the bank, a province to
Holland, and a jest to the whole world ! " — SOMERS'
" Tracts," vol. xiii.

26 401

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXX., p. 320.

Marshal Berwick, half brother to the Pretender, com-
menting on Oxford's conduct at this time, states, in his
memoirs, that the Jacobites could never get anything de-
cided out of Oxford. " This lethargy," he writes, " could
not proceed from his want of understanding or courage ;
for no man had more of them than he : it was, therefore,
morally certain that his only motive, in all the advances he
had hitherto made to us, had been his own interest in
endeavoring to join the Jacobites with the Tories, and by
that means, securing to himself a majority in Parliament,
that the Peace might be approved of. As soon as he had
compassed this end, he thought of nothing except upon
being on good terms with the House of Hanover, and as to
the Pretender, he amused him from time to time, with some
new proposal of changing his religion, or at least pretend-
ing to do so. The Court of France, as well as we, were
then persuaded that Oxford was imposing upon us; but as
they had concluded their principal' business, by his means,
they were easily comforted."

The Duke de Berwick, being actively engaged in the
Jacobite plots, and quite behind the scenes, also states as
follows in his memoirs, in speaking of the necessity of ar-
ranging the peace, before the Jacobite plans could be
carried out. " Though it appeared to me that one of these
points was no hindrance to the other, yet, in order to show
that we would omit nothing, and to give proofs of our sin-
cerity, we wrote to all the Jacobites to join in with the
Court. This contributed greatly to make the Queen's
party so superior in the House of Commons, that every-
thing was carried there, according to her wishes."

402

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXXL, p. 328.

On gth of April, 17 14, the House of Lords presented
the following address to the Queen, as to the Pretender :

" We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects,
the Lords spiritual and temporal, in Parliament assembled,
having a just and tender concern for your Majesty, and our
country, and being encouraged by that zeal your Majesty
has so often expressed from the throne, for the Protestant
succession, in the illustrious House of Hanover, do now
presume to renew our most humble application to your
Majesty, upon a subject so agreeable to you as this, which is
nearest your own royal heart ; and do humbly beseech your
Majesty that, whenever your Majesty, in your great wis-
dom, shall judge it necessary, you will be graciously pleased
to issue your Royal proclamation, promising a reward to
any person who shall apprehend and bring the Pretender
to justice, in case he shall land, or attempt to land, either in
Great Britain or Ireland, suitable to the importance of the
service, for the safetyof your Majesty's person, and the
security of the Protestant succession, in the House of Han-
over.

" We do also desire leave to express our very great concern
that your Majesty's instances for removing the Pretender
out of Lorraine have not yet had their effect; and do hum-
bly entreat your Majesty, that you will be graciously pleased
to insist upon and renew your instances, for the speedy
removing of the Pretender out of Lorraine, and likewise
that your Majesty will be graciously pleased, in conjunction
with the States General, to desire the Emperor to enter
into the guarantee of the Protestant Succession, in the
House of Hanover ; and also all such other princes as your
Majesty shall think proper."

403

404 APPENDIX.

The curt answer of the Queen much raised the hopes of
the adherents of the Pretender; and is indicative of the
true feeling of the Queen and of her Ministers in the
matter :

" My Lords: It would be a real strengthening of the suc-
cession in the House of Hanover, as well as a support to
my government, that an end were put to those groundless
fears and jealousies which have been so industriously pro-
moted.

" I do not at this time see any occasion for such a procla-
mation. Whenever I shall judge it necessary, I will give
my orders for having one issued. As to the other particu-
lars of the address, I will give proper directions therein."

The Pretender, continuing to reside at Lorraine, and his
partisans being discovered enlisting men in Ireland, the
two Houses of Parliament, in June, 1714, became so anx-
ious about his movements that they requested the Queen
to issue a proclamation for his apprehension, which, under
the stress of public opinion, was accordingly done, with a
reward of ;^50oo offered.

To an address from the House on the subject, the Queen
also returned an abrupt answer:

" Gentlemen : The hearty concern you show in this
address for the security of the Protestant succession is very
agreeable to me. I hope your concurrence will have the
desired effect in removing jealousies and quieting the minds
of my good subjects."

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXXI., p. 333.

THE PRINCE OF CELLAMARE'S OPINION OF BOLINGBROKE.

Extract from the Prince's memoirs, in MS. in the Astor
Library, N. Y. : " During the time that the minor king re-
mained in the castle of Vincennes, I still continued in
Paris, in obedience to the orders I had received in the life-
time of Louis XIV., to furnish with impenetrable secrecy
the succors before mentioned to the principal ministers
of the Pretender, and to see him in private : one of these
was the Duke of Berwick, of whom I have sufificiently
spoken — the other was Lord Bolingbroke — a nobleman very
well known, from the great share he had in the pacific
Treaty of Utrecht, as also on account of the supreme
authority he exercised in England, during the life of Queen
Anne. * * * I had frequent occasions to confer with him :
and it appeared to me that he was an improper person to be
intrusted with affairs of great moment. The liveliness of
his wit, the quickness of his resolutions, and his uncommon
sagacity in matters of the greatest difficulty, were qualifica-
tions which lost their value by being contrasted with the
vices of a man to the highest degree negligent ; who pre-
ferred his pleasures and his dissoluteness to matters of the
greatest consequence, and who passed many hours of the
day and all those of the night in drinking and debauchery
— always spoke without reserve, revealed to the compan-
ions of his licentiousness the most hidden secrets of gov-
ernment ; and who, lastly, despising religion and faith,
acknowledged no other god than his pleasure."

405

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXXI., p. 334.

Extract from the Earl of Oxford's speech, in the House
of Lords, on the motion that he be put in immediate cus-
tody.*

" My Lords : It is a very great misfortune, for any man, to
fall under the displeasure of so great and so powerful a body
as the Commons of Great Britain. And "this misfortune is
the heavier upon me, because I had the honor to be placed
at the head of the late Ministry, and must now, it seems,
be made accountable for all the measures that were then
pursued. * * * My Lords, I could say a great deal to
clear myself of the charge which is brought against me:
but, as I now labor under an indisposition of body, besides
the fatigue of this long sitting, I shall contract what I have
to say within a very narrow compass. This whole accusa-
tion may, it seems, be reduced to the negotiation and con-
clusion of the peace. That the nation wanted a peace,
nobody will deny : and I hope that it will be easily made
out, that the conditions of this peace are as good as could
be expected, considering the circumstances wherein it was
made, and the backwardness and reluctancy which some of
the allies showed to come into the Queen's measures.
This is certain — that this peace, as bad as it is now repre-
sented, was approved by two successive Parliaments. It
is indeed suggested against this peace that it was a sepa-
rate one. But I hope, my Lords, that it will be made appear
that it was general : and that it was France and not Great
Britain that made the first steps towards a negotiation.
And, my Lords, I will be bold to say, that, during my
whole administration, the Sovereign upon the Throne was
loved at home and feared abroad. As to the business of

* Hansard's Debates in Parliament.
406

APPENDIX. 407

Tournay, which is made a capital charge, I can safely aver,
that I had no manner of share in it ; and that the same
was wholly transacted by that unfortunate nobleman who
thought fit to step aside. But I dare say, in his behalf,
that if this charge could be proved, it would not amount
to treason. For my own part, as I always acted by the
immediate directions and. commands of the late Queen, and
never offended against any known law, I am justified in my
conscience, and unconcerned for the life of an insignificant
old man. But I cannot, without the highest ingratitude,
be unconcerned about the best of Queens — a Queen who
heaped upon me honors and preferments, though I never
asked for them ; and therefore, I think myself under an
obligation to vindicate her memory, and the measures she
pursued, to my dying breath. My Lords, if Ministers of
State, acting by the immediate commands of their sover-
eign, are afterwards to be made accountable for their pro-
ceedings, it may one day or other be the case of all the
members of this August Assembly. I don't doubt, there-
fore, that, out of regard to yourselves, your Lordships will
give me an equitable hearing ; and I hope that in the pros-
ecution of this enquiry, it will appear that I have merited,
not only the indulgence but also the favor of the govern-
ment.

" My Lords, I am now to take my leave of your Lord-
ships and of this honorable House — perhaps — forever! I
shall lay down my life, with pleasure, in a cause favored
by my dear late Royal mistress. And, when I consider that
I am to be judged by the justice, honor and virtue of my
Peers, I shall acquiesce and retire with great content."

By permission of the Peers, Oxford was allowed to go to
his own house — but, by vote of 82 against 50 he was
ordered into close custody. On retiring to his house he
had the consolation, if any, of the sympathy of the mob,
which shouted, " High Church, Ormond and Oxford for-
ever!"

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXXI., p. 340.

Extract from the memoirs of Prince Cellamare, ambassa-
dor of Spain, at Paris, translated in MS. from the Italian
MS., in the " Paper Office," London :

" I had, moreover, several times, exposed, in v^in, to the
Duke of Orleans, the strong reasons which prevented me
from approving, in any measure, those projects of peace
his Royal Highness meant to promote, since they could
not but be considered, by every one who would examine
them carefully, as being equally contrary to natural and
civil right — to divine and human laws. But absolutely
bent upon pursuing his designs, I began, against my will,
and driven by indispensable necessity, to listen to the
proposals of some French noblemen of high rank, who
wished to moderate or destroy the authority of the Regent.
I was well aware that the project of these men was violent
and hazardous ; but I considered, on the other hand, that,
where necessity compels, there boldness ought to be con-
sidered as prudence. I, moreover, apprehended that, if I
rejected their proposals, they would convey them to the
knowledge of the King, my master, through some other
channel, and that my too great caution might, afterwards,
be disapproved by his Majesty. At the same time, my
mind was disturbed with various reflections. I was aware
that the pernicious negotiations and preparations of the
Duke of Orleans were advancing very fast, nor did I doubt
that it was proper to prevent his designs ; but I did not
expect that these negotiations could be subverted by the
French alone ; who, bred up in ease and pleasure, would not
care to oppose the authority of the Regent, and would
submit to the hardest yoke of slavery rather than expose
their estates, their houses, and their delightful gardens to
dangerous hazards, and rather than absent themselves from

408

APPENDIX. 409

their ladies or lose one single supper. I also knew that
the Duke of Orleans had offended the Commonalty of
France, by destroying their trade, by altering the value
of their coin and by increasing the taxes. * * * Never-
theless, I judged that, without engaging the natives of a
country in a contest, petitions might be presented to his
Most Christian Majesty,* for the convocation of the States ;
and this simple demand, supported by the advice of the
Catholic King, would be sufficient to divert the Duke of
Orleans from his enterprises : and, consequently, I im-
agined that it was advantageous to the interests of his
Catholic Majesty to listen to his zealous partisans. I there-
fore had various conferences with them, observing every
possible caution to keep these practices concealed. I then
sent a messenger to Madrid, to give his Catholic Majesty a
full account of these manoeuvres, and, at the end of a few
days, received orders, in answer, to continue these intrigues.
I then endeavored to encourage the good-will of the above
named persons : and they assured me that a great number
of very respectable persons were favorably inclined to the
Cause. Nevertheless, before I took any other steps, I con-
sidered maturely, within myself, whether it were suitable
to my pacific Ministry, to proceed in the conduct of such a
business. I knew very well that it was not becoming to an
Ambassador to raise seditions, and, making an improper
use of his Ministry, to excite the people against the Prince
with whom he resided. But, on the other hand, I con-
sidered that, in the present business, no other matter was
in question, than to have recourse to the King himself, that
he should order his magistrates to take into consideration
the requests of the most faithful subjects of the Crown ;
and that the Catholic King — a Prince nearly related by
the ties of blood to his most Christian Majesty — should
strengthen their Petitions with his approbation : and, there-
fore, laying aside all scruple, I persevered in the business
I had undertaken. It was also evident to me that the
Regency of the Duke of Orleans, which it was meant to
overthrow, not being established upon the ancient and
* The youthful Louis XV.

410 APPENDIX.

fundamental laws of the Kingdom, nor strengthened by a
long and uninterrupted custom, nor prescribed by the last
will of the deceased monarch, nor yet authenticated by the
decision of the States General of the Kingdom, ought,
justly, to be considered as an illegal and usurped power,
which, being employed for bad purposes, degenerated into
a detestable tyranny.

" I, therefore, thought that, without offending the right of
nations, I might obey the orders of my Sovereign, and avail
myself of the intelligence I had received — especially when
I considered that to limit the authority of the Duke of
Orleans was, really, doing' a most essential service to his
most Christian Majesty, since the Regent, actuated by his
own views, exerted that authority, merely, in increasing
the power of the enemies of the Crown, in introducing
dissensions in the Royal House ; and in dissipating im-
mense treasures to secure the friendship of foreign princes.

" There were not wanting, however, many persons who in-
considerately thought that his Royal Highness, after hav-
ing secured to himself by means of his negotiations and
new alliances, the presumptive succession to the crown,
would have cruelly put an end to the life of the Most Chris-
tian King, an opinion, in fact very rash, to which we are
not to give entire faith ; but which, exciting in the minds
of men, uncommon apprehensions, was sufficient to make
them exert every effort to obliterate the most remote
suspicion of so enormous a crime.

" I did not neglect to converse, in a confidential manner,
with the above mentioned noblemen, upon these great and
important matters — persuading them, at the same time,
not to take inconsiderable, unseasonable and hasty steps,
when his Catholic Majesty had not forces sufficient, in
Spain, to support such enterprises, in case the Duke of
Orleans, treating them as seditious, should endeavor, by
force, to suppress their attempts. * * * *

" In the mean while, the particulars of the manifesto were
settled and conveyed into Spain ; as also the letters by
which his Catholic Majesty was to represent to the King,
his nephew, to the Parliaments of the Kingdom, and to all

APPENDIX. 411

the nation, his grievances ; proposing the redress, not only
of those disorders which were prejudicial to his own in-
terests, but also of those which were immediately injuri-
ous to his most Christian Majesty, and to the Kingdom
of France — supporting likewise, in this memorial, the peti-
tions which great numbers of Frenchmen were to present
to him in the name of the Commonalty, and entreating
him to convoke a general meeting of the States, and, with
the advice of that great assembly, to put the government
on a better footing.

" I afterwards got possession of the originals of the above
writings authenticated by the forms of his Catholic Majesty,
as also of the letter to the King, his nephew, written
entirely with his own hand, with orders to present it when
it should be necessary ; and not to go any distance from
Paris, if even an open rupture should take place, unless I
were forcibly driven from thence." (The manifesto and
other papers were somewhat changed, and Cellamare
relates how they were transmitted to Spain by Don Vin-
cent Portocarrero, then on a visit to Paris.) " For greater
precaution," the narrative continues, " I desired that Don
Vincent should conceal the parcels, placing them between
the lining and the cloth of his coat, and I charged him,
above all things, to observe religious secrecy in the execu-
tion of this trust.

" Matters now having come to this extremity, it was not
only considered, in Spain, that a war was at hand, with the
Regency of France, but it was known that the Duke of
Orleans acted, already, as an open enemy, and that, accord-
ing to the rules practised, reprisals might take place.
Nevertheless, the King, my Master, being averse to injure
thg-t nation in which he was brought up, was desirous that
all the violent proceedings should arise from the ambition
and caprice of the Regent ; and declared that he had no
intention to do any injury upon this occasion to the Mer-
chants or other Frenchmen within the limits of his do-
minions, and he caused a memorial to be published in re-
lation to this matter.

"At this period, an anonymous publication appeared —

412 APPENDIX.

which censured, with artful irony, the letters written lately
under the fictitious name of Fitz-Morris. The author of
these letters had industriously exerted every effort, in
order that the argument for the succession of the Duke of
Orleans to the crown, in case of the death of his most
Christian Majesty, should appear incontestable. He had,
also, taken great pains to justify the preceding conduct
of his Royal Highness, and to treat as calumnies, all those
reports which were circulated against this Prince, at the
time that he resided in Spain."

Cellamare then recounts that twelve copies of the above
book criticising the letters, had been sent to him, which
became known to the Government, who suspected him in
being concerned in the work, and, consequently, watched
his motions. He also speaks of bribing divers personages^
and of the various bribes used by the Abb6 Dubois, and of
the purchase of the great diamond called the " Regent,"
which, he says, was purchased by the Regent only with an
intention " to gratify Lord Stanhope, whose father-in-law
had this jewell to sell ; and had no hopes of obtaining so
great a price for it."

Cellamare then speaks of his being watched by the gov-
ernment, and of Portocarrero being arrested at Poictiers, on
his way to Spain, with all the papers entrusted by Cella-
mare upon him, which were seized. The Prince having
sent word to his adherents in France of the seizure, and
after advising some to leave the Kingdom, made a bold
demand upon the government for redress, on account of
the seizure of his papers. " The Abb6 Dubois," he con-
tinues, "answered my message with artful expressions, and
full of deceit — making excuses alleging his ignorance of the
fact, and offering, at the same time, to endeavor to get into
his hands the parcels above mentioned; and stating that
they should not, certainly, be opened ; but that they should
all be religiously returned to me. I did not give any credit
to these offers, and I readily persuaded myself that, after
the contents of my papers were thoroughly examined, the
Regent would have them sealed up agajn, and delivered to
me, in order not to alter that complete dissimulation which

APPENDIX. 413

he had hitherto observed with me ; leaving himself at full
liberty to act, afterwards, in such manner as he should
think most proper, without coming, at present, to an open
rupture, and to violent measures injurious to the rights of
nations. This opinion was still more confirmed by his
Royal Highness speaking to me, in very courteous and
familiar terms, upon occasion of my meeting him, the same
day, at the apartments of the Duchess, his wife."

After vainly demanding his papers, which were promised
him from day to day, Cellamare was told by one M. Le
Blanc, that he was commissioned to deliver the papers into
the former's individual hands, and an appointment was of-
fered at his (Le Blanc's house), for that purpose, exactly at
noon.

"These evasions," says Cellamare, "gave me suflficient
reason to expect some extraordinary novelty ; and it ap-
peared insolent that such a proposal should be made, and
that I should be required to go, in person, upon business of
this kind. * * * Nevertheless I took the resolution to go,
at the appointed hour, together with my secretary ; and, to
my great surprise, I found M. Le Blanc, accompanied by
the Abb^ Dubois, and, having retired with them, into the
furthest room in the house, the Abb6, without any preface
of ceremony said to me, in an altered and trembling tone
of voice :

" ' There have been found. Prince, among your parcels,
some seditious writings and designs to subvert all the order
of government, and to overturn the Kingdom. The King
has, therefore, resolved to take proper measures to secure
the public tranquillity, and has ordered me to proceed to
the house of your Excellency, in order to leave there, in
the custody of secure and absolutely confidential persons,
all the papers of the Embassy, and to make it known to
you, that it is his Majesty's pleasure, that your Excellency
should go out of the confines of the Kingdom of France,
with all possible despatch, accompanied by a gentleman of
the Court, who, from henceforward, is to remain with you,
treating you, however, with all those marks of respect that
are due to your person.' Scarce had he ended his speech.

414 APPENDIX.

when, in answer to this extraordinary proceeding, I imme-
diately said to him, ' If, after committing the infamous
trespass of violating the public faith, and having rashly
broken the seals of letters directed to his Catholic Majesty,
by his Ambassador, the contents had been carefully ex-
amined by you, or if, after having comprehended the true
sense of my despatches, you would clearly acknowledge the
meaning of them, you would not dare to pronounce words
so offensive to truth and to the decorum of my Ministry.
You have, certainly, found nothing in my letters but the
complaints of your own natives of France ; and the resent-
ment with which they express their detestation of the
effects of a Regency considered by them as unlawful ;
while, at the same time, the King, my Master, seeks to
strengthen those solicitations, by which they have resolved
to seek relief of his Most Christian Majesty, from the
numerous evils with which France is at present afflicted.
By express order of my sovereign, I have listened to their
demands ; and have since transmitted to the Court of Spain
their projects set on foot to preserve the State, and to
avoid the misfortunes produced by your new treaties and
your new alliances.' "

These bold and insolent words naturally exasperated the
Abb6 Dubois ; but M. Le Blanc interposed as Pacificator, or
rather, Moderator.

Cellamare thereupon withdrew, still loudly protesting.
Guards, however, accompanied him, and took possession of
all his papers. He was, also, forbidden to leave his house,
unless accompanied, and guards were placed in it. To all
this treatment Cellamare put in a formal protest to the
nominal King of France ; but under compulsion from the
French government, on the 13th Dec, 1718, quitted Paris.
He rested for a time at Blois ; and on his arrival in Spain,
was instructed not to appear at Court, but received the
governorship of one of the Provinces.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXXII., p. 353.

The following is the opinion of Camille Desmoulins, one
of the instigators as well as one of the victims of the French
Revolution, on the character and reign of Louis XIV. It
appeared in one of his pamphlets "Za France libre," circu-
lated at the time, and presents, of course, the extreme
democratic view of royalty, then prevailing. " That Prince,
with whom the French Academy has been so infatuated,
and who has been deified for a century past — in the eyes of
reason — before the tribunal of posterity — and judged by
the irrefragable testimony of facts — what is he? — A bad
parent, a treacherous friend, a wicked husband and an un-
natural brother. A vindictive, cruel, and treacherous
prince — ^jealous of the smallest merit or glory in others. A
prince so blinded by success, and so infatuated by flattery,
that he was convinced that it was not his generals who
gained battles, but his own direction : so that it was a
matter of no- consequence whether he put at the head of his
armies one of his servants, or a great general. In recogni-
tion of the eulogies of the nation on his insensate adminis-
tration, he crushed it with his pomp, and bankrupted it for
all time. He gave us the capitation tax and the tax of a
tenth on income ; he burthened the State, in twenty years,
with fifteen hundred millions of obligations; he created two
millions of salaries, and left more than four thousand mill-
ions of debts. But, it is his despotism that renders his
memory abominable to his fellow citizens. He found noth-
ing so glorious as to be a Sultan over them : and what Sul-
tan was ever so absolute? He ruled the people by his
' lettres de cachet.' He forbade us, under penalty of the
galleys, to leave the Kingdom, as if we were serfs or ne-
groes chained to a house. A persecutor almost to madness,
this Jesuit king commanded his dragoons to convert three

41S

41 6 APPENDIX.

millions of heretics. He caused ten thousand of them to
perish by the wheel, by the gallows and by the stake ; with-
out counting a million of fugitives that France lost forever.

" A frenzied despot, he did not wish the English to be
freer than we were ; and he endeavored to force them to
retake their tyrant.

" Such was the contempt in which he held the nation, then
illustrious through its heroes and great men, that, when
young, he dared to enter parliament, in riding boots, with
his whip in his hand : and, when old, he designated for its
future ruler one of his bastards.

" He it was who particularly took pleasure in war, as
others take pleasure in the chase : and who, during his
whole life, drove his people to it as if they were a pack of
hounds. What are the crimes of burning a barn, or an ob-
scure assassination, compared with the ravaging of the Pal-
atinate and of his massacres on the battle field ! ' I have
been too fond of war,' said he — ' no ! — you did not like
war. That might have been an excuse for Charles the
Twelfth ; the whistling of cannon balls was music to him —
hut j/ou — you -were a. coward / — you fled from the presence
of any danger to yourself, and took refuge about the car-
riage of a prostitute — and gave her the theatrical display of
a St. Bartholomew's day on the open field. No — you did
not like war. You loved nothing but yourself. You saw
nothing but yourself. You believed everything created was
for you — both the lives of your subjects and their families.'
Oh ! if I had been the Marquis de Montespan, instead of
going into mourning, like a fool, instead of writing a stupid
letter to the Pope asking to be allowed to be married again,
I would have done as did the Senator Maximus, or the
wood-sawyer of Messina — of whom I wonder there have
been so few imitators. * * * *"

" Like those insane persons who are perfectly sane on all
subjects but one, the French people gave lessons to Europe
on all sciences, but remained in complete childhood as to
the principles of natural right — as to the only science which
does not require to be learned — but which is engraved on
every heart."

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXXIII., p. 354.

In the " Consolato del Mare" — that very ancient compi-
lation of maritime laws and usages, promulgated probably
as early as the loth, but formulated into a code probably in
the 14th Century, it is laid down in the French version, thus :
" Si quelque navire arm6 qui entre, sort, est, ou reste en
course, rencontre un autre navire de marchandises ; si ce
dernier est enemi, et que ce qu'il portera appartienne aux
enemis, sur ce qu'il portera il ne faut rien dire, parce que
chacun sait et est certain de ce qu'il faut faire en pareille
circonstance , c'est pourquoi, en pareil cas, il faut se taire."
(That is to say, that the ship and cargo are both to be con-
fiscated.)

" Mais, si le navire pria est ami, et que la marchandise qu'il
porte appartienne k des ennemis, I'amiral du vaisseau arm6
pent forcer et contraindre le seigneur du navire pris, k lui
apporter toutes les choses qui appartiendront aux ennemis,
et exiger qu'il se tienne, dans son navire, jusqu' k ce qu'il
soit en lieu de recouvrement , ce qui signifie que I'Amiral,
ou autre pour lui, doit se faire suivre derri^re, jusqu' k un
lieu oil il n'ait point peur que les ennemis puissent le lui
reprendre."
2/

APPENDIX.

The Treaty of Westphalia was signed both at Osnabriick
and Miinster, in Westphalia, and is sometimes termed the
"Treaty of Miinster."

APPENDIX OF AUTHORITIES.

Among the books consulted, the following are suggested,
if further research is desired :

Bacalar-y-San Felipe, Comentarios of ; Bolingbroke, Mis.
works and Correspondence ; Broderick, History of the
Late War in the Netherlands, London, 171 3; Berwick,
Memoirs of Marshal, Due de ; Biederman, (F. B. F.)
Traitd d'Utrecht r6clam6 par la France ; Burnet, Bishop,
History of his Times ; Cellamare, Memoirs of the Prince of ;
Collections inedites, sur I'histoire de France; Capefigue,
Gouver'ment, etc., de Louis XIV.; Coxe, Memoirs of Kings
of Spain ; Cunningham, A., History of Great Britain, pub.
in 1787; Collection, State tracts, temp. Wm. HL; De Torcy,
Memoires, etc. ; Dunlop, Memoirs of Spain ; D'Avaux, Nego-
tiations en Hollande, 1679-1688 ; Documents inedites, sur
I'histoire de France ; De Brienne, Memoires du Compte ;
Dumont and Rousset, Histoire Militaire de Prince Eugene ;
De Louville, Secret Memoirs (Paris, 1818, Comte de
Roure) ; De Noailles, Memoirs ; De Villars, Memoirs ;
Dumont, Course universel diplomatique ; and Recueil des
principaux trait^s de paix ; Dumont, Memoires pour I'his-
toire, etc.; Eugene, Prince, Memoirs, by himself ; Flassan,
Histoire de la diplomatie Francaise ; Furneaux, Histoire
abreg^e des traites ; Freschot, C, Histoire du Congr^s, etc.;
Grovestein, Guillaume HL et Louis XIV.; Grimblot, Wil-

418

APPENDIX. 419

Ham and Louis XIV., Letters of ; Giraud, J. B. C, Traitd
d'Utrecht ; Garden, Comte de, his works ; Hardwicke, MSS.
Collection Political and State papers, Astor Library ;
Koch, Histoire abregde des trait^s, etc.; Louis XIV., M6-
moires de ; Louis XIV., Lettres particuliferes ; and Lettres
aux Princes de 1' Europe; Lamberti, Mdmoires pour servir k
I'histoire du iSifeme si^cle; La Fare, Memoirs, 1719, in Peti-
tot Collection ; La Torre, M^moires et negotiations secretes,
etc.; London Gazette, 1711-13; Louville, Marquis de,
M^moires- secrets sur I'establissement de la maison de
Bourbon, etc.; M^moires Militaires, relatifs a la Sucession,
etc.; Mercure, Le, Historique et Politique, La Haye,
1711-1713; Millot, Mdmoires politiques et militaires ; Mc-
Pherson, Stuart and Hanover papers ; McPherson, History ;
Martens, Recueil des Trait^s ; M^moires relatifs k I'his-
toire de France, 3 series ; M^moires historiques, do. do.;
Michaud, Collection de m^moires, hist, de France ; Mignet,
Negotiations relatives k la Succession ; Maintenon, Letters
of Madame de ; Marlborough, Memoirs of, Coxe ; Mi-
chaud, Collection de m^moires ; Martin, Louis XIV.; No-
ailles, P. due de, Histoire de Madame de Maintenon ; No-
ailles, Adrien M., M^moires de Louis XIV.; Orleans, Cor-
respondance of Madame Charlotte Elizabeth d'Orleans, by
Brunet ; Ortiz, Chroniques, etc.; Petitot, Correspondance
Administrative, sous Louis XIV.; Petitot, Historical series,
I and 2, Collections de m^moires historiques ; Prior, History
of his Times ; Polignac, Histoire du Cardinal ; Perrin, Collec-
tion Universelle, etc.; Portocarrero, Histoire de. Anon.;
Quincy, Marquis de, Histoire des guerres de Louis XIV.;
Rulhi^res, Revocation de I'Edict de Nantes ; Rousset, Sup-
plement to Dumont ; Spanheim, Relation de la cour de
France; Saint Prest, Histoires des Trait^s, etc., i7ifeme sifecle ;
Stanhope, History Queen Anne ; Stanhope, Extract of corre-
spondence of Hon. A., 1690-99 ; Swift, Memoirs last four
years of Queen Anne ; Swift, Miscellanies ; Somerville,
History Great Britain under Queen Anne ; Sevelinges, C.
L. de. Precis des evenements, etc. ; St. Simon, M^moires ;
Stanhope, History of the War in Spain ; Somers, The

420

APPENDIX.

Somers' Tracts ; Tindall, Supplement to. Rapin's History
of England ; Torre, de la, M^moires, etc.; Villars, de, H.,
M^moires ; Voltaire, Le siecle de Louis XIV.

Mem. — Portions of the Chapters V. and XXXIV. in the foregoing Re-
view, are taken from a prior writing by the author.

PUBLICATIONS OF G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS.

A HISTORY OF THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR. By Anton
GiNDELY, Professor of German History in the University of Prague.
Translated by Andrew Ten Brook, recently Professor of Mental
Philosophy in the University of Michigan. "Second Edition. Two
volumes, octavo, with maps and illustrations . . . $4 oo

This most important period of European History, a right understanding of which
is essential to the prope:- comprehension of Europe to-day, has long waited for an his-
torian. The work of Gchilbr, while thoroughly readable, was written vithout any special
historical preparation, and at a time when the collections of government archives were not
accessible. The little handbook of Gardiner is a most admirable summary, but is too
condensed for general reading. It is believed that the present work, which has been pre-
pared by an historian of the highest position and authority, and while thoroughly trust-.
worthy for the purposes of the scholar, is full of interest for the general reader, will meet
all the requirements,, and, will remain the authority on the subject.

" May safely be pronounced better than the best," — Dis, a/ Christy Cincinnati.

" His portraitures are vividly drawn, and his battle scenes are pictured with great
realistic power." — ZiotCs Herald.

" The clear style of the translation makes the reading of the book not only easy
but delightful."— ^w//^^/«, Philadelphia.

*' The translator has not only performed his task in a masterly manner, but by his
presentation of this admirable work to English readers, has placed them under a debt of
obligation. ' ' — Portland Press.

" Prof. Gindely has achieved true success in the historical line ; he has a real
genius for such labors." — Post^ Hartford,

"Wonderfully well drawn." — Advocate^ Cincinnati,

" It will doubtless take its place at once as the work of standard authority on the
subject." — Critic and Good Literature.

" Beyond all question the best history of the Thirty Years' War yet published."
—-Phila. Item.

" Indispensable to the student. For the general reader it is one of the most pic-
turesque in history." — Hartjard Courant.

"Unquestionably the best history of the Thirty Years' War that has ever been
written." — Baltimore A merican,

" Must take a high and permanent place in historical literature.''- — Brooklyn Eagle.

" It is not the least of the services to the cause of right thinking that has at last
given us a history of this period which bids fair to bring the two lines (scholarly and
popular thought) together.

" It would be hard to name among recent works a more overwhelming indictment
of the policy and methods of imperial Jesuitry — a more satisfactory statement of what the
Roman Papacy owes to the art and devotion of the Society of Jesus ; nor, we may add, a
more thorough exposure of the Macaulay romance, that the Reformation in its spread fol-
lowed the Saxon and Northern races, and proved unacceptable to people of Romanic
descent. ' — N. Y. Independent,

'* He writes with the calmness of a philosopher and the correctness of a scholar,
and the work will take rank with the best histories of modern times." — Harrishurg
Tglegram,

PUBLICATIONS OF G. F, FUTNAM'S SONS,

A Companion to Gindely's Thirty Years' War,

LIFE AND TIMES OF GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS. By the
Hon. John L. Stevens, LL.D., recently United States Minister to
Stockholm. 8vo, with new portrait engraved on steel . $2 50

"Mr. Stevens' work shows great research, and is composed in that broader
method in keeping with the later demands of historical writing. The style is excellent,
and the author is singularly free from partisanship. As tne T)enod Ax. Stevens describes
was full of heroic devotion, ' The History of Gustavus Adolphus ' iS jiot alone singularly
interesting, but may be trusted as explaining ths consolidation o" Proteswantism in the
north of Europe." — N. Y. Times.

"It would be difficult to speak too kindly of Mr. John L. Stevens' admirable
* History of Gustavus Adolphus,' which is published simultaneously in London and New-
York by G. P. Putnam's Sons. * * * It is not too much to say that Mr. Stevens'
hook is at once more artistic in its conception, and will most likely prove more acceptable
to the average modern English and American, reader, than any previous works on this
subject." — Philadelphia Times.

** It is a well-constructed historical biography, a useful apparatus for the easy
study of European events of the seventeenth century. We find in Mr. Stevens' pages a
clear conception of Gustavus' character, strongly and impressively represented. * * *
His book is fresh, vivid, and interesting. Mr. Stevens' style is generally careful, neat,
and forcible. We do not know of any English life of Gustavus Adolphus which ap-
proaches this in fulness; and it iS picturesque and readable, while always dignified."
— Boston Literary World.

" The story of the life of Gustavus Adolphus has been often told, but so romantic
is it in its elements, so thrilling in action, and so admirable in lofty qualities, that it will
bear re-telling almost without end. A new version of marked ability and attractiveness
comes to us from the pen of Hon. John L. Stevens, late United States Minister at Stock-
holm. It fills an octavo volume of four hundred and twenty-seven pages, but it seems not
a page too long, thanks to the varied interest of incident and the charm of style." — N. Y.
Hojne Journal.

" Mr. Stevens is possessed of unusual abilities for the preparation of such a work
as this. An able writer, with a mind trained in the school of practical, political, and
diplomatic affairs, and enriched and strengthened by close study of books and keen obser-
vation of men, having had six years' service at the Swedish Court as United States
Minister, the very theatre on which the memorable deeds of Gustavus Adolphus were
wrought, his work shows the master-hand in every page." — Kennebec Journal.

" This new biography of Gustavus Adolphus the Great is a valuable contribution
to history. * * * Mr. Stevens has grouped the events of European history during the
lifetime of Gustavus Adolphus in a masterly manner. So much of the history and issues
of the Thirty Years' War as was included in the relations which the Swedish hero bore to
its events, is clearly and perspicuously described. Ample justice is done in the pases of
the book also to Wallensteln, and the whole story is clothed with graces of style and is
inspired with the interest which attaches to fiction."— (T^zVn^o Evening Journal. ^

" Mr. Stevens writes with a vigor and ease which make all his pages delightfully
entertaining, and he works up with excellent effect those dramatic situations which
naturally belong to the history of such moving times, and which lend their own form and
color to occasional passages of the book. * * * The book is a noteworthy addition to
biographical history, for which a vacant place has been waiting upon library shelves."—
Minneapolis Tribune.

IMPORTANT WORKS ON THE HISTORY OF
LITERATURE.

A History of American Literature. By Moses Coit Tyler,
Professor of Literature in Cornell University. Bradstreet edition.
Vols. I and II, comprising the period 1607-1765. Large 8vo,
handsomely bound in cloth extra, gilt top, $6,00. Agawam edition,
two volumes in one, 8vo, half bound, $3.00. '

*^ Of the thoroughness, candor, and care of Prof. Tyler in the preparation of this
work the evidence is ample. In its historic completeness, in its studious mastery of
the subject, in its dilligent devotion to details, in its justness of judgment, in its flavor
of illustration and extract, and its stately and finished style, it may confidently be ex-
pected to fulfil pur ideal of such a history, and that a place hitherto vacant will be
occupied by it beyond the danger of dispossession for many years to come,"— Liter-
ary World.

The History of French Literature. By Henri Van Laun.
Translator of Taine's " History of English Literature," the Works of
Moli^re, etc. 8vo, cloth extra, per vol., $2.50.
Vol. I. — From its Origin to the Renaissance.

Vol. II. — From the Renaissance to the Close of the Reign of Louis XIV.
Vol. III. — From the Reign of Louis XIV; to that of Napoleon III.
The set, three volumes in box, cloth extra, $7.50 ; half calf, $15.00.

*' Full of keenest interest for every person who knows or wishes to learn any thing
of French literature or of French literary history and biography ; scarcely any book
of recent origin, indeed, is better fitted than this to win general favor with all classes of
persons." — N. V. Evening; Post.

Studies in German Literature. Edited by Marie Taylor.
With an Introduction by the Hon. George H. Boker. Svo, cloth
extra, $2.00.

*^ The work of a painstaking scholar, who can select with rare discernment what
should come to the foreground of attention, and who has the power of expressing his
own views with exceptional grace." — Literary World.

Studies in Early English Literature. By Emelyn Washburne.
Uniform with Morley's " English Literature." Svo, cloth, $1.50.

" It has a freshness about it which commends it to the reader interested in the sub-
ject of early English literature." — Transcript^ Boston.

A History of English Prose Fiction, from Sir Thomas
Malory to George Eliot. By Bayard Tuckerman. Uniform
with Taylor's " German Literature." Svo, cloth, $1.75,
^^ Mr. Tuckerman's volume is what may be called a history of the evolution of the

Anglo-Saxon novel, as illustrated by the progress of Anglo-Saxon civilization and

morality. The author's style is easy and simple, and his book, both from its subject

and treatment, interesting throughout." — The Nation.

On English Literature in the Reign of Victoria, irith a
Glance at the Past. By Henry Morley, Professor of English
Literature in the University of London. Uniform with Taylor's
" German Literature." Popular edition, square i6mo, cloth extra, 75
cents ; library edition, crown Svo, cloth extra, $2.00.
^^ In this volume Mr. Morley has performed a work that will prove of inestimable

value to the lovers of literature in this country."— /^o«»<r yournal, Boston.

6. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, 27 & S9 W. 23d St., New York,
18 Henrietta St., Covent Garden, London.

WORKS FOR CITIZENS AND STUDENTS.

THE AMERICAN CITIZEN'S MANUAL. By Worthington
C. Ford.
Part I. — Governments (National, State, and Local), the Electorate,
and the Civil Service. " Questions of the Day," Volume IV. Octavo,

cloth 75

Part II. — The Functions of Government, considered with special
reference to Taxation and Expenditure, the Regulation of Commerce
and Industry, Provision for the Poor and Insane, the Management
of the Public Lands, etc. " Questions of the day," Volume V.

Octavo, cloth 75

A work planned to afiford in compact form a comprehensive summary of ,the
nature of the organization of the Government of the United Stales, National, State,
and Local, and of the duties, privileges, and the responsibilities of American citizens.
'* Mr. Ford writes thoughtfully, carefully, impartially, and furnishes one of the
best imaginable manuals that could be prepared for circulation on either side of the
Atlantic."— iV. Y. World.

SIX CENTURIES OF WORK AND WAGES. The History of
English Labor (1250-1883). By James E. Thorold Rogers, M.P.

Large octavo $4.00

Principal Contents. — Rural England, Social Life, Agriculture, Town Life,
The Distribution of Wealth and Trade, Society, Wages, Profit, Discontent, Combina-
tions, Insurrection, The Development of Taxation, Labor, and Wages, Agriculture
and Agricultural Wages in the Eighteenth Century, Wages in the Nineteenth
Century, Present Situation, etc,

" The author supports his arguments by so many strong considerations, that he
is entitled to the patient study of all who are interested in economic subjects, and
especially of those who feel that the social problem is by no means solved, in the
accepted Political Economy, and needs other and more organic remedies than are
suggested in the orthodox treatises." — Commercial Advertiser.^ N. Y.

ELEMENTS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. By Emile de Lave-
LEYE, Professor of Political Economy in the University of Liege.
Translated by Alfred W. Pollard, of the University of Oxford.
Edited with an introduction and supplementaiy chapter by F. W.
Taussig, Instructor in Political Economy. i2mo, cloth . . $1.50

POLITICS. An Introduction to the study of Comparative Constitutional
Law. By William W. Crane and Bernard Moses. Svo,

cloth , $1.50

" The work is an arsenal of facts, precedents, incidents, and argument, and will

five the student of national affairs much basic instruction. It is altogether meritori-

ias."—Common'uiealik', Boston.

B. P. PUTNAM'S SONS. NEW YORK.

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